Credit Cards: A 70 Year-Old Blessing and Curse
Credit Cards: A 70 Year-Old Blessing and Curse
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Home Page > Finance > Credit Cards: A 70 Year-Old Blessing and Curse
Credit Cards: A 70 Year-Old Blessing and Curse
Posted: Jun 22, 2010
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Credit Cards: A 70 Year-Old Blessing and Curse
By: Rich Bird
About the Author
For tips on hair thickener and hair thickening shampoo, visit the Hair Facts website.
(ArticlesBase SC #2705009)
Article Source: http://www.articlesbase.com/ – Credit Cards: A 70 Year-Old Blessing and Curse
Credit – and by association the credit card – has become a cornerstone of the American way of life. Each American household is estimated to have among them at least 10 credit cards, not counting charge cards or house cards, and carries an average of $13,000 in credit card debt. This is however not a recent phenomenon.
It was only inevitable that Americans would invent the credit card. Americans have always been comfortable about using credit. The Europeans who started colonizing America in the 1600s came from countries that had put aside old prejudices about borrowing and lending, and the new attitudes toward credit were transplanted on North American soil.
Americans have also always needed credit: borrowing to buy land, to establish a business, to travel west in pursuit of valuable animal furs or in search of precious metals. Others went into debt in order to get to America in the first place – as the colonies’ indentured servants did – or stumbled into debt, and were released by royal decree to join English general James Oglethorpe in establishing the colony of Georgia.
By 1800 the United States was an independent nation, with debt being a way of life for many of its citizens. New York City pawnbrokers gave out loans against 149,000 separate pieces of collateral in 1828 – versus a population of only around 200,000. In rural areas, people bought horses, carriages, plows, seeds, clocks and household furniture on credit. Many promised to pay in full at harvest time; others relied on open-book credit.
Open-book credit was used to purchase inexpensive necessities of life such as food and clothing. A shopkeeper allowed customers to take home the goods they needed, and to pay what they could afford to, paying in part but not all of their balance each month – much like many credit card owners do today. Yet very few fell into drowning debt. Both credit card debt and open-book credit are classified as revolving credit.
Early 19th century merchants also offered a non-revolving type of credit, the installment plan. These plans were limited to well-to-do customers who purchased expensive items like a piano or a carpet. By the turn of the century, installment buying was no longer limited to the rich, and even working class families could purchase “discretionary” goods on installment. It got so that installment buying became associated with the needy. A further refinement on installment plans came early in the 20th century with the introduction of the department store house card or the charge card.
The charge card was first offered, like installment plans had originally been, to buyers of luxury goods. Up market stores provided the house card to their prized customers, which naturally made them very happy. The house card was convenient: they didn’t have to carry large amounts of cash or undergo the identification hassle if they paid by check. The customer merely presented the house card to a clerk for recording of the sale, and received a bill once a month for thirty days’ worth of purchases. The customer settled the bill in full each month. The store charged nothing for the service, but gained customer loyalty. This charge card made it easy for the store to keep track of sales, but, the biggest advantage was that the charge card increased sales per customer.
The history of credit took a big turn with a new development: growing automobile sales.
Autos were necessary but expensive to buy as a single purchase. Everyone needed the auto, and everyone was forced to buy cars with credit. Installment buying for automobiles gave respectability to buying on credit.
The other significance of automobiles on credit was that they allowed people to go long distances in a short time, to places where they were total strangers. And what if the car broke down? That was common with the early autos. Drivers could wind up far from home, in need of costly repairs, and without enough cash to pay for them.
To solve that problem, oil companies came out with their own type of credit card. This credit card could be used to buy oil, gas, and mechanical service. Unlike the department store charge card or house card, the oil company credit card could be used everywhere around the country.
Thus, by the 1920s the essentials of the modern credit card were at hand:
• Oil companies showed the charge cards could be used nationwide
• Automobile buying needs showed buying on time was respectable
• Americans had felt comfortable with credit for centuries.
It took another thirty years before the credit card as we know it was invented. Three men finally accomplished this over lunch in a New York City restaurant in 1949.
They were convinced that there was money to be made in consumer credit, and tried to find a way to tap it. The charge card or house card boosted sales and customer loyalty, but without interest, the charge accounts by themselves did not generate revenue. Installment sales did produce interest, but that was meant to cover the seller’s costs, and not to earn income.
Suppose, the three wondered, that a third party inserted itself between buyers and sellers. Suppose this third party promised the sellers many customers, those who would not have gone to them otherwise. Suppose the same party offered affluent people with good credit records a diverse choice of establishments (not just one department store or a chain of gas stations) where they could charge what they bought, no questions asked. Wouldn’t these well-heeled spenders be more inclined to patronize those establishments where they had credit? Wouldn’t business owners, seeing their sales increase and their profits soar, be willing to return a small percentage to the third party that helped provide them with the new customer base? Wouldn’t those small percentages add up to a small fortune?
They sounded out the restaurant owner, asking how much credit card business that went his way would be worth. The owner replied, “Seven percent.” And, Diners Club was in business.
The early Diners Club credit card looked like miniature books. The owner’s name was on the front of the credit card booklet; inside were the names of establishments that had agreed to accept the credit card. Owners didn’t pay any interest or annual fees, but they paid off their entire credit card bill every month.
By 1951, Diners Club had gone international and shown its first credit card related profit. Four years later, the familiar plastic credit card replaced the original paper credit card. In 1950, Diners Club had begun charging an annual $3 fee and had a selection of 300 businesses for over 35,000 credit card holders. By the mid-1960s, restaurants, hotels, airlines, retail shops and the like were happy to accept the Diners Club credit card. The founders’ dream of a universal credit card, used for various purchases all over the world, was being realized.
Diners Club had its imitators. In 1958, American Express issued its own credit card and the Hilton Hotel chain introduced Carte Blanch. All three were known as travel and entertainment credit cards, distinguishing them from another type of credit card, the bankcard.
Seeing Diners Club’s success, banks entered the credit card market during the early 1950s, and by 1955 over one hundred US banks offered credit cards to their customers. They were slowly making money, but they had no national credit card distribution because the law restricted interstate banking. In 1958, the largest US credit card operation belonged to Bank of America, but its BankAmericard could be used only in California.
To expand the newly fledged credit card’s geographical usefulness, Bank of America pioneered the national interchange that would enable all banks all over the country to offer BankAmericard. This credit card association later metamorphosed into Visa.
This move solved the credit card distribution problem. It also prompted large banks in the east to form a rival national credit card network, Interbank Card Association which became Master Charge, and later, MasterCard. Despite initial resistance from department stores, and other house card and charge card issuers, the two credit card associations eventually signed them up in the 1980s. The credit card industry had come of age.
Today, it is a rare business that does not display the Visa and MasterCard logos, along with those of the other credit card companies.
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How SBA operates
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Home Page > Business > Entrepreneurship > How SBA operates
How SBA operates
Posted: Jul 24, 2010 |Comments: 0
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How SBA operates
By: Yury Iofe
About the Author
My name is Yury Iofe. I have over 15 years of Diversified Financial Experience. I am an MBA in Finance.
I am a Former Senior Editor with AICPA. Consulted numerous (including Fortune 1000) companies on different business issues such as: Financial Reporting, Financial Planning, Taxes, Business Financing, etc.
(ArticlesBase SC #2890815)
Article Source: http://www.articlesbase.com/ – How SBA operates
Special Considerations
Special considerations apply to some types of businesses and individuals.
Recreational facilities and clubs are eligible if:
The facilities are open to the general public.
They have membership-only situations. Membership is not selectively denied to any particular group of individuals and the number of memberships is not restricted either as a whole or by establishing maximum limits for particular groups.
Franchises are eligible except in situations where a franchisor retains power to control operations to such an extent as to be practically the same as to an employment contract. The franchisee must have the right to profit from efforts commensurate with ownership.
Farms and agricultural businesses are eligible. These applicants should first explore the Farm Service Agency (FSA) programs.
Fishing vesselsare eligible. If seeking funds for the construction or reconditioning of vessels with a cargo capacity of five tons or more must first request financing from the National Marine Fisheries Service (NMFS).
Medical facilities: hospitals, clinics, emergency outpatient facilities, and medical and dental laboratories are eligible.
Nursing homes are eligible, provided they are licensed by the appropriate government agency and services rendered go beyond those of room and board.
Legal aliens are eligible; however, consideration is given to the type of status possessed (e.g., resident, lawful temporary resident, etc.) in determining the degree of risk relating to the continuity of the applicant’s business.
Probation or parole. Applications will not be accepted from firms where a principal (any one of those required to submit a personal history statement, SBA Form 912) is currently incarcerated, on parole, or on probation; is a defendant in a criminal proceeding; or whose probation or parole is lifted expressly because it prohibits an SBA loan.
Debt Financing-Guaranteed Loan Programs
Lending institutions offer a numerous SBA guaranteed loan programs for small businesses. SBA does not lend the money; it does guarantee loans made to small businesses by other institutions.
7(a) Loan Program
7(a) Loan Program is the most flexible loan program that provides financial guarantee for a variety of general business purposes and designed for start-up and existing small businesses. 7(a) Loan Program is delivered through various commercial lending sources.
This Program designed to help start-up and existing small businesses get financing when they are not eligible for business loans through normal lending channels. The program has got its name from section 7(a) of the Small Business Act, which authorizes SBA to provide business loans to American small businesses.
SBA guarantees a portion of loans made and administered by commercial lending institutions.
7(a) is the most commonly used type of loan. Because financing can be guaranteed for a variety of general business purposes, including working capital, machinery and equipment, furniture and fixtures, land and building (including purchase, renovation and new construction), leasehold improvements, and debt refinancing (under special conditions) it is the most flexible program. Loan terms are up to 10 years for working capital and up to 25 years for fixed assets.
Many American lenders participate in the program and it makes this program widely accessible for small businesses.
Participating lenders agree to structure loans according to SBA’s requirements, and apply and receive a guaranty from SBA on a portion of this loan. The SBA does not fully guarantee 7(a) loans—the lender and SBA share the risk that a borrower will not be able to repay the loan in full. The guaranty is against payment default, it does not cover imprudent decisions by the lender or misrepresentation by the borrower
Yury Iofe, MBA
Universal Business Structured Solution
More educational resources by Yury Iofe:
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Yury Iofe -
About the Author:
My name is Yury Iofe. I have over 15 years of Diversified Financial Experience. I am an MBA in Finance.
I am a Former Senior Editor with AICPA. Consulted numerous (including Fortune 1000) companies on different business issues such as: Financial Reporting, Financial Planning, Taxes, Business Financing, etc.
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ETHNOGENESIS AND CULTURAL IDENTITY AMONG THE COLLA GROUPS OF THE ATACAMA RANGE
ETHNOGENESIS AND CULTURAL IDENTITY AMONG THE COLLA GROUPS OF THE ATACAMA RANGE
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Home Page > Education > History > ETHNOGENESIS AND CULTURAL IDENTITY AMONG THE COLLA GROUPS OF THE ATACAMA RANGE
ETHNOGENESIS AND CULTURAL IDENTITY AMONG THE COLLA GROUPS OF THE ATACAMA RANGE
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ETHNOGENESIS AND CULTURAL IDENTITY AMONG THE COLLA GROUPS OF THE ATACAMA RANGE
By: museoatacama
About the Author
Daniel Quiroz, Social Anthropology, Master in Archeology and Doctor of History. Documentation Center of Patrimonial Goods, DIBAM.
Yuri Jeria, Social Anthropology, Master of Pedagogy. Atacama Regional Museum, Copiapó, DIBAM.
(ArticlesBase SC #3610456)
Article Source: http://www.articlesbase.com/ – ETHNOGENESIS AND CULTURAL IDENTITY AMONG THE COLLA GROUPS OF THE ATACAMA RANGE
Regional Museum of Atacama
Copiapo Chile, 2010
ETHNOGENESIS AND CULTU RAL IDENTITY AMONG THE COLLA GROUPS OF THE ATACAMA RANGE
Daniel Quiroz[1] and Yuri Jeria[2]
The law 19253 [so-called Indigenous Law], created by the CONADI (National Corporation of Indigenous Development), recognizes in its first article, nine ethnic groups in Chiles: mapuche, aimara, rapanui, atacameña, quechua, colla, diaguita, kawashkar y yamana.
The presence of the colla as an ethnic group turned into a big surprise, not only for the ordinary people, but also for the experts, historians and anthropologists. In the Larraìn erudite work [1987] the colla group is not mentioned at all. It neither appears in the different study text made for the elementary and secondary school.
The first anthropology data about the “Chilean colla” come from a text that is going to be made up from a point of departure and based on a source of backgrounds: “Título para Profesor de Estado en Castellano” (a degree exam to Spanish Teacher) developed by C. Rojas [1976] concerning to the “magic colla world”, mainly based on interviews had with Mrs. Damiana Jerónimo. The information provided by Rojas is the first systematic rapprochement to the knowledge about the named regionally collas. This text provides, undoubtedly, an exotic vision of customs and strange ceremonies which provoke comprehension and liking.
Between 1993 and 1995 the DIBAM (Direction of Libraries, Files and Museums) funded an investigation project whose goal was to get some data about the adaptation of the populations who inhabited scattered in the valleys gullies, and watering places in the range of Atacama [Castillo, Cervellino & Quiroz 1994, Cervellino, Castillo & Quiroz 1995, Cervellino & Castillo 1996].In the course of this project we get a variety of data about the ethnic construction processes that colla groups were experiencing in the beginning of the nineties.
There are, among the material we got, three interviews carried out between September 29 and October 1º, 1992 in the Copiapo ranges with Esteban Ramos in Montandón, Zoilo Jerónimo in Potrerillos and with Pedro Jerónimo in the El Jardín gully.
In this investigation we want to carry out, employing those interviews and making use of other kind of information [newspapers cuttings and some "colla texts"], a reflection about the colla ethnic construction processes and table an idea of the named “colla identity”, considering that we were, maybe in different ways, privileged witness of this process.
¿WHO ARE THE COLLA?
The CONADI web page establishes that the colla “make up an ethic group emerged by a mixing of peoples from Bolivia that took up the northwest provinces of Argentina and then move through the Range hillside between the XV and XVI centuries” [Conadi 2001]. According to the data we have there are not accurate numbers, nevertheless there are about 1000 colla people living in different locations, mainly urban but also rural places of the Atacama region. [Conadi 2001].
The “official” definition of colla gathers the investigations carried out in our country until nowadays. The most of the published texts agree that the current so-called colla are descendent of families that emigrated from the argentine northwest at the end of the XIX century or at the beginning of the XX century: “a group of families from Argentina [areas of Belén, Tinogasta, others] and the south of Bolivia, settle in the El Jardín gully, between the Potrerillos and El Salvador mining centers. They are the auto named, that nowadays are more than 60 families”. [Cervellino, 2001; cf. Castillo, Cervellino & Quiroz 1994, Cassssigoli & Rodríguez 1995, Manríquez & Martínez 1995, Molina & Correa 1996, 1997, Gahona 2000].
In the web page www.serindigena.cl, developed by the Area of Native Cultures of the Division of Cultures belonging to the Ministry of Education, appears a “clear” definition of “being colla”:
The colla people inhabits in the north area of Chile, in watering places and gullies of the range of the province of Chañaral [Atacama Region], between the cities of Potrerillos, El Salvador, Diego de Almagro and Copiapó. The kolla arrived to Chile in two periods: first, in the last stage of the Tiwanaku Empire, in the X century; a second emigration is produced from the Argentinean northwest and coincide with the Pacific War, at the end of the XIX century. The most part of the kolla arrived from Tinogasta and Fiambala, with a high migratory rate between 1880 and 1890.
Currently, the territory inhabited by this people comprises the Andean foothills and the Andes Range and some part of the high Andean plateau of the Chañaral and Copiapó provinces in the third region. Their most important demarcations are: the Quebrada de la Encantada in the north and the Copiapó River in the south, an area with a nomadic environment that is located at an altitude of 2.000 and 4.000 meters.
The celebrations and rituals are carried out inside the culture but the marriages only occur between them. The kolla spiritual world is similar to the aymaras. Their main ancestral believes are related with the Pachamama, the Mother Earth, which produces life and organize the human life. She knows when, how and why things must happen. The ceremonies are carried out by a yatiri, a learned person who has been chosen by the spiritual powers, the yatiri knows this election in a dream, to heal diseases, carry out begs and ceremonies. The rituals are carried out mainly in the hills, in the higher places. The yatiri begs for the support and the welfare of the community. The kolla commemoration dates are related with the agropastoral cycles, as the indigenous New Year at the end of June. [Mineduc 2001].
This text constitutes a synthesis which represents the result of a decade of colla ethnic construction.
The first paragraph is constitutes a bridge between the current populations that live in the Atacama ranges, and which are descendents of trans-Andean emigrates who have lived more than one hundred year in the area, with archeological populations that arrived one thousand years ago. This bond can not be archeologically proved, but in this process it does not have any worth.
In the second paragraph, a continuous territory is defined, with clear established frontiers, an elemental matter in the contemporary recognition of the ethnic entities that allows developing a process of claim of territories in an effective way.
In the third paragraph a world vision is developed, connected with something knower: the aimara spiritual world, unknowing the contributions of the European mixed race “the marriages only occur between them” allows connect the colla communities with relationship groups and with this the circle can be closed
We can compare this definition with one developed for the Argentinean Collas If we can talk like this]
The special process occurred in the northwest of Argentina make this colla culture not be a purely indigenous race but a mixing one that allows located it in the native camp, not only for their cultural history but for their insertion in the national and regional context. Like this the colla begins to differ themselves from the rest of the northwest mixed race, settling mainly in scattered settlements in the Puna zone, the Humahuaca gully and some part of the Calchaquìes Valleys.
Nonetheless, the collas are the true bearier of the traditional Andean lifestyle, through the maintenance of many cultural patterns such as the height shepherdess and the potato and maize agricultural economy; the harvest of carob and salt; the construction of housings: the traditional medicine and the prophecy techniques; the musical instruments erques, quenas, pinkullo, sikus and cajas; the worship to the Earth Mother and countless beliefs, rituals and social practices; the ancestral piety, in short, beyond of being designated by the new official religion, has coexisted with it, in a new way that has been redefined as popular piety. [Rumbojujuy 2001].
The investigations carried out in Argentina are related to different ways to see the existence of the colla group, to different styles of interpretation of the data. According to ENDEPA (National Group of Indigenous Pastoral) [2000], the collas that inhabits in Argentina, “puneños and their descendants, some quebraderos and all the other population of quechua-aymara origin” would be about 170,000 people.
In one hand we have those investigations which “see” the collas as a new ethnic group, “synthesis of diaguitas and omaguacas diluted definitely, of apatamas and groups of quechua and aimara origin from Bolivia”, are then, “the inheritor ethnic group of the native inhabitants of the northwest, consolidated throughout the XIX century [Frites, 1971][3]. It is curious how the European contribution is disown in this mixed race: the collas are, in conclusion, “part of the no integrated mixed race mass in the urban centers”, those who inhabit in the hills [Frites 1971].
In the other hand we have those investigations which question the continuity of the colla culture joint to the quechua and aimara cultures and the Andean nature of their culture, underling their European indigenous mixed race profile. [Isla 1992, Lozano, 2000].
COLLA ETHNOGENESIS
The ethnogenesis word, as many others used in the anthropology and other disciplines, is a Greek term that combines tennos, which means “the other populations”, with genesis, which means “development”. The term ethnogenesis is used, therefore, to talk about the origin of populations, mainly those that are different from us [4].
The ethnogenesis can be understood as the slow formation of an independent community, different from others, but related with them Roosens 1989].The formation in the population of a sense of self-recognition is considered, mostly, the base of this process. This ethnogenesis processes involve obligatory an “ethnic reaffirmation by means of the cultural reappropiation and reinvention.”
The ethnicity, this sense of self-recognition, is the product of the intercultural contact which at the same time, make up the interaction of the mentioned contact, by means of the selection of certain “contrast emblems” in front of others [Dietz 1999]. As Bourdieu [1991: 231], the typical thing of the symbolic logic is to transform in absolute differences of “all or nothing”, the infinitesimals differences”. The ethnicity is an aspect of the social relationships between leaders who consider themselves as culturally different from other groups and with them, they have minimal irregular interactions” [Eriksen 1993: 12]
This absolute and routined differences agree in an identity source in order to delimit a “we” and “others” and promote an ethnogenesis process: “the matter that before had been monotonous praxis, now is converted to give an explicit politic of identity” [Dietz 1999]. This way a cultural identity is made up through a complex process of etnogénesis.
FROM THE POTRERILLOS HUASOS CLUB TO THE COLLA CULTURAL CENTER
As has been shown, the colla “problem”, from an ethnic dimension, was no a problem in the eighties: “the aymaras, atacameños and collas constitution, as ethnic actors with a consciousness of ethnic identity and requires that question to the society and the government, represent […] a historic innovation” [Gundermann 2000]. In the Atacama region, the word colla is used to name the people who inhabited in “the hills”, using the existing resources and manage to survive, the knowledge they had about the flora, fauna and paths that went through the Atacama ranges.
Zoilo Jerónimo, one of the leaders of the movement for the recognition of the colla as an ethnic group in the nineties, refers about one of their remembers: “He is colla, of course, his mother, with all her resources, lived like one in the hill, there you go the bases [Zoilo Jerónimo 1993].
Even the term “live like one” refers to an unspecific way of life: remembers us that it is more important to live as a colla that being a colla [We can not avoid to mention that the word colla was also used to designate to the Potrerillos inhabitants in a regional context].
At the end of September 1993, at his home in the Montandón Railway Station, Mr. Esteban Ramos told us about Potrerillos:
You know, I do not understand the colla word, where it comes from. In this place, the old people were Chilean, Bolivian, and Argentinean; they were a set of families that were from those places. I always talk like this with people but none tell me why. The people in the south name them huasos, “the huasos of the south”, and the people in the north, the northern people, called them “collas. I always name the people of this place, the people of Potrerillos “colla”, if they have born here, although the family is from the south, [Esteban Ramos, 1993]
Mr. Esteban Ramos states that the colla means in the north the same the huasos are in the south. This statement has more than one sense. The Potrerillos Huasos Club is, unquestionably, one of the main organization example subsequent colla communities. The brothers Salomón and Zoilo Jerónimo had an important participation in that club:
Salomón has the documents of the “collita” legal entity, that and the huasos club are the same thing, but we do not have the legal entity documents of the club, but in both there are the same people. Salomón and I are involve in the club, for this Independence Day I invited my relatives since we need signatures to get the document for the “collita” [Esteban Ramos, 1993]
Mr. Esteban thinks the homonym colla/huaso matches with a similarity in the life style, since they share “a life in the countryside”. The colla were breeder: “all the old people were only breeder; they had donkeys, coats, mules, horses, lambs and even llamas as the Jerónimo family as I told you, all kind of animals except bovine. Muleteer “my father was pioneering, he worked with a wagon and my mother worked preparing the meal for the people who worked with the wagons”. Miners “then he started working in the Inés Chiica mine in the gold peak and some were farmers: “they sowed maize, gourd, and all were crushed” [Esteban Ramos, 1993, Pedro Jerónimo, 1993]. They also hunted foxes, chinchillas, guanacos and vicunas. Later we will discuss some aspects of the colla life style.
When Zoilo Jerónimo [1993] defines “being a colla” he can not avoid saying “the colla has a large worth, the colla is “huaso”, he is a horses and mules trainer; he can do anything”.
The creation of the CEPI (Special Committee of Indigenous Peoples), under the government of Patricio Aylwin [1990-1994] provoked the reappearing of the indigenous topics and a discussion about their appropriateness in the Atacama Region. Like this, at the end of the eighties, in the bosom of the Potrerillos Huasos Club, begins to appear a concern between the Jerónimo brothers, so they decided to participate in the National Meetings of Indigenous Cultures, organized by the CEPI.
This concern was promoted and caused through the lend support by many people and institutions interested in emphasize the colla indigenous nature and like this, include them in the Indigenous Law, which was going to be enacted, the actions of some politics in the area, such as the Senator Ricardo Nuñez were highlighted . In the interviews of 1993, always appears the name of the senator’s wife as an “instigator” of the colla movement, even she supported the financing to carry out some ceremonies.
This mutual interesting, between the collas and the Chilean State, end in the incorporation of the “colla” in the Indigenous Law.
For the El Salvador people, Mrs. Damiana Jerónimo was an important personage, known by everyone. Her piety will be the threads that will allow match some cultural pieces, which would be hardly connected in other way [Rojas 1976]. The conversations with Mam Damiana allows glimpse the simultaneous existence of ceremonies connected to the Andine world, such was said and the “vilancha” (a colla common party) [Cervellino 1993, Gahona 2000], and the catholic religious celebrations, as the “Virgen de la Candelaria” [Rojas 1976].
From the conversations we had with Pedro Jerónimo, brother of Mam Damiana, we got some data that allow contextualize the validity of this ceremonies. For Mr. Pedro Jerónimo, Mrs. Damiana knew the ceremonies, about the candelaria blossom “because she was devote of the saints, we have never been evangelical people, we have just believed in the saints, in Our Lord and in the Virgin. When we had a lot of herd, we flowered; we put flowers in their ears. I do not know the pachamama ceremony, but the vilancha I do, but it was before us, who knows how the old people made it” [Pedro Jerónimo 1993]. To Mr. Pedro the Andean ceremonies “were matter of the older people”, they were devotes of the saints”.
Zoilo Jerónimo tells us that his interest rose twelve years ago, when the elementary school of Potrerillos “make up a work, to compete in the region, related to the race values. The kids were looking for people to support them and they interview me, they asked me who I was, how I was born, how I had been bring up, which were my food, which were my natural resources, how my family got money, all that appears in this investigation, they got the first place”. [Zoilo Jerónimo, 1993]. To help to carry out this investigation allowed him to order his knowledge, “his resources”. The same he told the kids, he told in the indigenous population meetings organized by the CEPI.
The second step was the creation of the Colla Cultural Center and its legal authentication: in Copiapó we are processing the legal entity, we are 40 people older than 18 years old, but as a race we have more than 100. We have good values, good visions, for these reasons we have to join and organize, and like this we can say many things, to say what we feel” [Zoilo Jerónimo 1993].
We organized a blossom and a branding to the herd in 1992, with the support of regional people and some organizations. Zoilo Jerónimo was organizer of the ceremonies “there are totally sacred acts, in the blossom the things given by the nature and God are valued, is the time to give tribute, the offering is very common, it is in the sacred Holy Scripture, in all the religious laws there is the tribute. In the tithe, the best animal is offered, the moist meat; the other pieces are given to the workers. These are, more or less, the things we try to search” [Zoilo Jerónimo 1993]
During 1995 the Potrerillos Colla Indigenous Community is recognized, mainly composed by the Jerónimo-Escalante family, whose goal was “carry out a job of collective recovering of the colla sociocultural practices [Paño 1997]. The same year the Paipote Colla Community is constituted and in 1996 the Río Jonquera Colla Community is constituted too. These were the first colla registered communities in the Law 19.253.
THE COLLA: HUASOS OR GAUCHOS
One of the most interesting matters that always appear around the colla ethnic description is related to the relationships with the groups which inhabits in Argentina which are larger.
The colla, especially in the area of Potrerillos, come mainly from the Argentinean northeast: the name of my grandmother was Eudosia Berazay, but I do not remember the name of my grandfather, only his last name, it was Ramos, so the name of my father is Jesús Ramos. All they came from the other side of the range, from Fiambalá, near Tinogasta, of Palo Blanco. They came riding [Esteban Ramos, 1993]. The Jerónimo family was “from the north of Argentina, particularly from the Salta Valleys and from Potrero Grande. They came with their animals and even with llamas and with them came the little Mrs. Damiana Jerónimo” [Esteban Ramos 1993]. To Zoilo Jerónimo [1993], “the remarkable values we have are from Argentinean legacy.
Although Zoilo Jerónimo recognizes that many of the colla values are “from “Argentinean heritage” and his grandparents came from Argentina, he can make a distinction between the “colla” and the “cuyano”.
I have many friends for example Aróstica and Del Río Jorquera who have the same history from our, they come from Argentina, but they are not of the “coya” race, but of cuyanas races They are huasos, breeders of animals and miners, there are resourceful people, handcraft people, and even I was told to make some ponchos, they are beautiful [Zoilo Jerónimo 1993]
He does not consider them of the same “race”, but they do the same things as them, even some things such as the ponchos are better.
Mr. Pedro Jerónimo talks about the constant journeys to Argentina, his relatives in Saujil, Tinogasta, Fiambalá, and Palo Blanco; and about the goods they exchanged:
You leave here in the morning and in the midday you arrive to Fiambalá. We carried the coat leather, shovels, ointments, menthol; the people bought many of those. They also bought Chilean shovels because the Argentinean shovels were so bad, they were used. Those things we sold, and with the money we bought the supplies, they were cheap, the sugar, flour, everything to cook, we also bought clothes, the money was enough. [Pedro Jerónimo, 1993].
The Trans Andean bonds are a current matter in the talks about the colla world.
THE COLLA COMMUNITIES
After the inscription of the Potrerillos and Paipote communities in 1995, also were registered Río Jonquera y sus Afluentes in 1996, Pastos Grandes and Sinchi Wayra in 1998 [González 2000]. In December 2001 there were five communities legally registered: Diego de Almagro, Sinchi Wayra, Pastos Grandes, Comuna de Copiapó y Río Jorquera y sus Afluentes. These communities came from three different geographic areas with collas: Tierra Amarilla, Diego de Almagro and Copiapó, all of them were dominated by settlements in the urban areas[5]. In 2002 a division in the Río Jonquera Community was produced and two new communities rose: Wayra Manta Tujsi and Pacha Churicay.
These communities main goal is, undoubtedly, “the recovering of lands and water” [Paño 1997], although, their histories are different [Paño 1997, González 1997, 2002].
THE TEXTS AND BEING A COLLA
The main of the authors concerned about the ethnicity phenomenon, highlight the worth of the written texts in the ethnogenesis of the human groups who try to differ themselves in a cultural way [Eriksen 1993, Dietz 1999].
When we talked with Zoilo Jerónimo in 1993, and we asked him about some written texts he showed in the Indigenous Cultures National Meetings, organized by the CEPI, he answered that “he did not carry written documents; he carried crafts, sample board, marai (in mining, a big stone where the mineral is grinded), iron things, but they were in small size, I left the real ones [Zoilo Jerónimo, 1993].
In this four pages text, González first raises the problem of the cultural continuity. He traces the kolla population origin to “the final stage of the Bolivia Tiwanaku Empire, a great Andean Inca civilization” [2000: 1] and describes a series of stages that reveal that the current colla of Copiapo are the descendants of the colla manor between 1000 and 1100 A.D. [2000, 1-2]. In addition, he gives to the existence of the colla in the region, a historical depth and locates it in the XVIII[6] (although all the data we have, locate it at the end of the XIX century and at the beginning the XX century.
Second, he is concerned to demonstrate his relevance to the colla world, point that an ancestor, was president of the Muleteer Labor Union in 1912 which is considered the first colla organization. This was Santos Gonzalez Vallón[7]. He also created the Sinchi Wayra Community which is made up by the “ayllu” of the González Vallón-Quispe.
Third, he puts the kolla as an object of the Military Government of Chile from 1973 and like this “they were cornered where they lived […] often the military men went around the range, abusing the woman such as the Quispe sisters who sacrificed themselves, offering up their lives to the Pacha” [González 2000: 3].
In fourth place, he point these communities “have live historically in their Andean habitat and owning to socioeconomic pressure, the majority descend to the cities o settlements […] nowadays our population has recovered gradually the practice of our culture. The ceremonies, carnivals, rituals, the tributes, “dulce mesa” (a table served on the floor as a tribute to the Pachamama) and the new years are being slowly consecrated in some communities” [González 2000: 4]
According to González [2002: 1], the native colla of the third region are not in extinction, they have just kept their traditions privately, even they avoid their own children inherit this culture”. González names this idea his “general hypothesis” as part of the text he signs as Oscar Pacho-Kolla González, ethnographer [sic]. Oscar Pacho-Kolla González named himself not just as “ethnographer”, but also as “hill spirit”, [2000], “the amauta” (person who taught the nobility children).
THE COLLA ETHNICS MARKERS
The collas have chosen a set of ceremonies that act as ethnics markers: the branding, the blossom, and the vilancha among others. For instance, in the daily “La Cuarta” of june 28, 2002, appears the following sentence: “due to the celebration of the Indigenous
Peoples Nacional Day the colla carried out brandings and blossom:
COPIAPO. – With branding and blossom of herd, a ritual where the animals are decorated with multicolor wools and marked in the ears, the members of the colla group, that inhabits in the Andean foothills area, celebrated in the park El Pretil the Indigenous Populations National Day.
It was a beautiful traditional celebration, full of colors. It was carried out by the colla managing director of the Río Jorquera town, Zoilo Jerónimo. First, the leader thanked to the Pachamama (mother earth) and begged for a best year not only in the abundance of the harvest or the increase of the animals, but also in the joining of all the indigenous populations, including the diaguita that nowadays does not appear as a recognized ethnic group in the Indigenous Law.
Later, the colla women with the Atacama governor Yasna Provoste Campillay who has diaguita ancestry, and the SEREMI (Ministerial Regional Secretary) of Planning and Coordination, Claudio López Klocker, got in a coat farmyard able in the place and began the ceremony.
The first ritual consists of brand the animals in the ears to distinguish who is the owner. Whereas the blossom is related to the animals’ life cycle, for this, multicolor wool ornaments are made up, and are put in the animals ears.
This a collective celebration carried out in the countryside where the young collas can felt in love and find couple.
There was also a tasting of traditional food, such as embers bread, mate, churrascas (bread fast made in a grill) roasted coat, nuts, dried figs and raisins. Also a handcraft trade fair was presented to the public, there the presence of the diaguitas that came from the Alto del Carmen town was show off. Some multiethnic organizations that take in pascuenses, aymaras and mapuches, descendants were joined too. There were canticles and dances which were celebrated by the public that was in the place.
The intendant use the opportunity to confirm the next handing of 8,900 hectares of lands to the colla ethnic group in the Atacama Region, this allows them to solve the goats fodder problem during the winter which have food difficulties. Claudio López added that this land handing to the Copiapó, Pastos Grandes and Sichi-Wayra towns is the recognition to the colla culture and to the concrete actions of integration that the regional government is carrying out.
In an occasion, when the colla community of Copiapo [Estación Paipote], gained a Fondart project, they celebrated the vilancha or pay inka[8] and also the branding and the blossom:
The colla carried out worship to the Earth Mother in a town chosen by the ancestors, with food and typical dresses.
In the Bolo area, in the Quebrada de Paipote, the Colla Community carried out the Pay Inka ceremony or Inca Carnaval whose goal is to keep their rituals and traditions in pursuit of the welfare of the population, town, animals and land.
The “Ceremonial Table” was constituted during the celebration that began at 00:00 hrs. There the animal chosen by the community was consecrated and then sacrificed with the arrival of the “New Sun” and whose heart was given alive to the pacha mama or mother earth. Later the “Blossom Carnival” and the “branding of the new animals”, these rituals allow, according their traditions, increase the number of animals and strengthen them.
On that occasion, Juan Pérez Bordones, the head of the community said that “as a colla population we feel very proud to have gained a Fondart project since it helps us to keep the traditions, unify the different colla communities and turn us into a population” also he insisted in the joining that must exist between the different colla communities of the region and likewise he highlighted the work carried out by the Education Ministry of Atacama and of the Culture department of this organization and for the concern and support to the native peoples . [Mineduc 2002]
These ceremonies are the media through the colla show themselves to the rest of the regional society as a different body.
THE COLLA AND THE RECOVERING OF THE LANDS
Since 1994 a process of fiscal lands transfer to the colla communities has been developed. In 1997 the Investigation Group TEPU was commissioned by the Conadi to do an investigation where appears the first territorial legal action for about 50,000 hectares to three indigenous communities: Potrerillos, Paipote and Río Jorquera [Molina and Correa 1995, 1996]. Then a geodesic study was also commissioned to the INAS Ltda in 1996. This study establishes an available surface of 45,000 hectares.
The 2002 the transfer of about 9,000 hectares was determined, these were split into 1,279 hectares for the Diego de Almagro Community, 1,608 for the Sinchi-Wayra, Pastos Grandes communities and the Copiapo Municipality, and 6,108 for the Río Jorquera Community.
In the pages of the daily “La Cuarta” of Santiago, on June 18, 2002 it is emphasized the handing of about 6,000 hectares to the Rio Jorquera Community.
COPIAPO. – A meeting was carried out in the head office of the colla ethnic group of the Río Jorquera area. In this meeting the community was informed about the general arrangements contained in the transfer decree of fiscal lands, the conditions of the handing of 6,108 hectares, and also the prohibitions and protections that the Indigenous Law grants.
A lot of leaders of institutions related to the matter were preset in the meeting, leaded by the Regional Ministry of National Goods, Rodrigo Rojas together with thirty members of the colla ethnic group of Río Jonquera, an area where inhabit about130 families.
It was informed that the lands transfer is by way of community for all the cases and they will constitute hereditary lands with all the rights, uses, customs, and active and passive easement, free of mortgages, prohibitions, interdictions and litigation.
Accoring to the Direction of Frontiers and Boundaries, the properties are attached to the legal regulations currently in force of the frontier areas: the community must allow the SAG (Agricultural and Cattle Service) order sanitary measures to animals and fields in risk due to the Argentinean frontier. Likewise, the benefit community, owning to the dry ecosystem fragility and the vulnerability of the agro forestry resources, must allow the concerning institutions implement and use the necessary measures for the resources.
The handing prohibits cutting down the trees and native shrubs, also they must protect the fauna wild species such as the vicuna, guanaco, chinchilla, viscacha and piuquén, among others.
The indigenous lands can not be alienated, seized, taxed or acquired by legal principle, except among community or indigenous people of the same ethnic group. Neither can be let, handed over in commodate nor transferred to third people in use, possession or administration.
The corresponding folders were handing, these contain all the records, which are explained, about the transfer of fiscal lands. And also some questions about water and hunt asked.
The managing director of the Río Jorquera colla community thanked for the meeting and said that they are not interested with any action against the regional authorities since they think the good conversations they have had until now, have resulted more advantageous that an aggressive attitude.
The last sentence said by Zoilo Jerónimo, now in the Río Jonquera Community, is quite significant, since is the reflection of a division that is being producing now among the colla communities
For instance, Pablo Segundo Escobar, also a “representative of the colla indigenous community of the Rìo jonquera y sus Afluentes” said even though they have had advances the last years as a result of the leader’s effort, the government “anti-indigenism” problem persists [Bravo 2001]:
The Indigenous Law arrangement which indicate that when a matter about us is discussed, must be present at least “one brother of the community”, is not observed- he reported. Moreover, we face a constant discrimination from the government servants […] but from the thousand hectares that exist, they just want to give us 600, and that is inadequate to suckle our livestock mass which is the biggest in the III Region with forty thousand heads. We will be obligated to put a coat over other one and in short time, they will die by hungry. And the collas too”,
As a way to protest they tried to take the head office of the Copiapo Regional Manager’s office with the support of other indigenous organizations. This attitude is shared by other leaders, such as Oscar Pacho González, chosen as Coordinator of the Indigenous Matters of the Kolla Native Communities Council, who in a press conference on April 26, 2002 indicates:
I am colla; I am not Chilean, since we have different thoughts, actions, ceremonies, and religiosity and until the government does not give back our lands, I will never consider myself as a Chilean […] this is a gibe because we will have to teach the coats to walk in line […] we are willing to take extreme measurements, since we know we are able to stop the regional economic development and to carry out this we will block roads and more. [El Chañarcillo, 27 de abril del 2002], we will rebel against the State and everyone who damages the ancestral rights we have in this country. El Atacama, 27 de abril del 2002].
Both feelings represent alignments in favour or against some government departments: Pacho González against the Conadi and favored by the Health and Education Ministry and Zoilo Jerónimo favored by the Conadi. These two men have provoked a breaking between the communities, but Pérez Bordones wants to play it down:
I appreciate the steps carried out by the education and health sector in the support to the resurgence of the colla people. We have worked well with them and they have encourage us to go ahead y achieve certain goals. There are not discords among the diverse communities but there are discussions. With the good participation of the communities we demonstrate the joining, reliability that exists among the communities to work, carry out things, handcraft, etc. [Mineduc 2000]
THE COLLA PEOPLE BETWEEN ETHNIC AND ESTHETIC:
About fifteen years ago, the Colla People focused their ritual life around the devotion of La Virgen (de la Candelaria and others whose pictures were placed in certain gullies, such as in Paipote). Some people can affirm behind this activity is hidden the ancient Pachamama worship (equivalence Pachamama/Virgen). Probably something like this existed. Nowadays, the Colla People can just see in the Aymara world a door for “returning again” to the past and from that point, their “returned” identity will take shape. The Pachamama worship was considered the best beginning. And perhaps, because of this, it has been left the Virgen worship aside in discursive terms, although not in practical terms.
In front the dark outlook that blocks their native condition, the Colla People realize they must be different in an extreme and evident way. Some of them travel the way back, looking at the past, looking at the ancients, such as Jerónimo, and transform the Virgen worship into the Pachamama worship. This can be considered a main piece that we could call the “Colla new age” and which is present from nine or ten years ago keeping a more “conservative” profile, well, if that word can represent it exactly. This generates a direction that clearly we would describe as ethic, that inside of it, we looking for contents and ritual able to bring us closer to the Earth and developing a new relationship philosophy in harmony with it.
Others choose for “parody”, aiming at an esthetic orientation. Thus, the first thing is highlighted is the emerging Colla’s dances and the searching for new “traditional” clothing, different from what Colla people wear at present. Some of them wear blankets and feathers and dance such as “rain dance”, a clearly reminiscence of the North American “far west”. The women of Jorquera River wear long tight black dresses, with a headscarf. This new “ethnic livery” is in disagreement with what ethnic orientation sector has kept, whose look for the differentiation trying keeping and increasing the value of the “traditional clothing”, the flowered dress (from China), with headscarf and straw hat. This was publicly pointed out by Leonidas Jerónimo (Sister’s Zoilo): the genuine Colla clothing is this, and any other is just an invention of some people. [9]“
Later of the esthetic differentiation, a new ritual ethos it was assumed from the arriving of a Bolivian Inca elder and the “priestly ordination” of three Inca elder in Cuestecilla in 2002. From that moment, we can talk about a progressive aymarización in the Colla rituals and adopting new forms, with names inspirited in Quechua and Aymara. Since 2003, characters identified as Spiritual Guides in some communities, were called “Yatiris”, as the case of Mrs. Jesús Cardozo, of the Comunidad Comuna de Copiapó, where it already has included the figure of Inti, mixing it with emblems that use iconography of the natives from the west of North America as main pieces. Most of the Colla communities have been added gradually to this current. Here it rise the interest and necessity of exploring in detail the diverse ways, and esthetic and ethic alternatives in the ethnogenesis process (or re-ethnification) of Colla people.
EPILOGUE
Undoubtedly this topic is not ended. There are discussions, not only among the Colla People, but also among the experts, about the past, present, and future of the Colla Communities. It makes sense, thinking about the “history true” of the Colla People, just as it was defined in a document that points out “this belongs to the official version of the Final Inform of the Subgrupo de Trabajo Pueblo Colla, of the Grupo de Trabajo Pueblos Indígenas del Norte” of the Comisión de Verdad Histórica y Nuevo Trato (2002):
1. OUR DEFINITION
We define us as the people from the heights, the snow, the cold and the puna. We are the native Colla people from the third region in Chile.
2. OUR ORIGIN
The Colla people are native from this territory, which frontier zones were not invaded by Spanish empire or during the creation of the Republics. We have always been an Andean people.
3. OUR EARLY TIMES
Throughout our early times we had our own language, which is unknown to us at present. In the religious-spiritual matter, the Pachamama play a role of integration of all energy. We believe in Spirits Guides such as Sun Dad and Moon Mum. In our territory we built oratories and cairns. We believe in souls and spirits. Before any activity we take, such as trip or harvest, offerings are presented lighting “oil lamps”, which use animal fat as fuel. Every November 1st we celebrate “The Spirits and Souls Day”. Today is June 21th and we celebrate the “Renewal of the Year”. We have religious men and women who cure diseases and deliver babies. There is a close communication with the nature and its forces: stars, animals, water.
With regard to family, the marriage agreed by parents in advance, it is carried out by people belonging to various family groups.
One of the principles that determined our behavior and which our ancestors taught us, is this that prohibit children seeing an animal sacrifice since they were delayed in the learning process of how to speak. The same was prohibited to pregnant women. When children were born, during the baptism, some members of the family (parents, grandparents, uncles and aunts) give a present that usually is an animal for cultural, economic, and educative purposes. The baptism consisted of taking a bath of water and herbs. In addition, our ancestors had their own games or entertainments such as La Taba which is maintained at present.
The Colla people economy in early times was based in cattle raising, agriculture, mining and international trade. The cattle rising consisted of breeding animals (llamas, alpacas) and which included the use of health policies. Because of the environmental features of our land, we had to move with the animals during winter and summer, as well as currently, and even though was seized big part of ancient land. Also there was sustainable exploitation of free animals (guanaco, vicuna and chinchilla for instance).
The complete use of animals (besides meat, milk, wool, and leather) allowed the development of saddlery and textile products. The agriculture was the process of grain cultivation in stone terrace. Mining consisted of the exploitation of copper, silver, and sulphur mines on a small scale allowing the Colla goldsmith. In the international trade, the trading of products were made with different Andean peoples what meant going towards the North of Chile, the North-east of Argentina, and the lands that belong to Peru and Bolivia at present.
Or perhaps, it can be useful some words of Oscar Pacho González, and they were written in his memory about La Comunidad Colla de Paipote:
Today, at the beginning of the 21st century, the kolla of this community try revaluating his cultural context, and this way, this native community has slowly marked the beginning of what we could call Utopia, returning to its original environment carrying a different culture which does not belong to them as if it was a heavy load, however, it is the only one they have known [González 1997].
Or perhaps, we must consider a testimony, even though if it has been manipulated too much, of a four year child, from Los Loros, commune of Tierra Amarilla, located in Copiapó Valley. This testimony it could be used as an unfinished conclusion of this work:
Those who live in the town are Collas and play the guitar and bass drums. We dance Cueca: somebody plays the guitar and we dance. The Colla people play bass drum but it is played by children only. The girls cannot use it. Also we play with stones. This game is throwing stones, but they are not really stones but animal bones, such as dinosaur ones. The Colla people make weave; in the kindergarten the teacher teach us how to weave. For weaving we use wool to make cloths. It is easier weaving with the weaving machine because knots are made. It is easier than tie a shoe. The weaves can be put over there as little piece of cloth in the cooker. I did it one for my mum [Cuevas 2001].
Or perhaps … because it is not has been said the last word of this ethnogenesis complex process.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
BOURDIEU, P.
1991 El sentido práctico. Madrid: Taurus.
BRAVO, P.
2001 Gobierno, ¿anti-¿indigenista? [http://www.puntofinal.cl/010105/nactxt.html]
CASSIGOLI, R. & A. RODRIGUEZ
1995 Estudio Diagnóstico de la población colla de la III Región. Investigación Antropológica. Santiago, SUR Profesionales Ltda & Univesidad Academia de Humanismo Cristiano, Departamento de Antropología [ms]
CASTILLO, G., M. CERVELLINO & D. QUIROZ
1994a Los collas, fantasmas de la cordillera. Informes Fondo de Apoyo a la Investigación 1993, Santiago: Centro de Investigaciones Diego Barros Arana, pp. 32-35.
1994b Los collas, fantasmas de la cordillera. Contribución Histórica del Museo Regional de Atacama [Copiapó], 4:
CERVELLINO, M.
1993 Ritos de los collas en la región de Atacama. Museos, 15: 4-5.
2001 Relaciones culturales prehispánicas entre el valle de Copiapó-Chile y el noroeste de Argentina http://www.nuevonorte.com/historiales/opinion/cervellino.htm
CERVELLINO, M. & G. CASTILLO
1996 Ecología y cultura en las comunidades de pastores de la cordillera de la región de Atacama: la comunidad de Valeriano. Informes Fondo de Apoyo a la Investigación 1995, Santiago: Centro de Investigaciones Diego Barros Arana, pp. 23-28
CERVELLINO, M., G. CASTILLO & D. QUIROZ
1994 Pobladores de la cordillera de Copiapó: dimensiones socioculturales de comunidades tradicionales. Contribución Histórica del Museo Regional de Atacama [Copiapó], 4:
1995 Señores de la cordillera: crianceros y arrieros en la región de Atacama. Informes Fondo de Apoyo a la Investigación 1994, Santiago: Centro de Investigaciones Diego Barros Arana, pp. 46-52
CERVELLINO, M. & P. ZEPEDA
1994 Collas, pueblo del Salar de Pedernales. Contribución Histórica del Museo Regional de Atacama [Copiapó], 4:
COMISION VERDAD HISTORICA Y NUEVO TRATO
2002 Informe de Verdad Histórica y Nuevo Trato del Pueblo Colla. Documento de Trabajo CVHNT/GTPIN/2002/060. Copiapó.
CONADI
2001 Antecedentes del Pueblo Colla. [http://www.conadi.cl/ante_colla.htm].
CUEVAS, P.
2001 Relatos y Andanzas: historias de niños y niñas de los pueblos originarios de Chile. [http://www.semblanzasvisuales.cl/pags/textolibrorelatos.htm].
DIETZ, G.
1999 Etnicidad y cultura en movimiento: desafíos teóricos para el estudio de los movimientos étnicos. Nueva Antropología, 27[56]: 81-107
ENDEPA
2000 Los Kolla. [http://www.madryn.com/pm/endepa/kolla.htm]
ERIKSEN, T.H.
1993 Ethnicity & Nationalism: anthropological perspectives. Londres: Pluto Press.
FRITES, E.
1971 Los collas. América Indígena, XXXI [2]: 375-388.
GAHONA, A.
2000 Pastores en los Andes de Atacama: collas del río Jorquera. Museos, 24: 6-9.
GONZALEZ, O.
1997 Memoria histórica de la Comunidad Indígena Colla de la Estación Paipote de la comuna de Copiapó. Copiapó. Manuscrito.
2000 Memoria histórica del Pueblo Indígena Kolla. Copiapó: Comunidad Indígena Kolla Sinchi Wayra. Copiapó. Manuscrito.
2002 La Comunidad Indígena Colla de la Comuna de Copiapó. Copiapó. Manuscrito.
GUNDERMANN, H.
2000 Las organizaciones étnicas y el discurso de la identidad en el norte de Chile, 1980-2000. Estudios Atacameños, 19: 75-91.
ISLA, A.
1992 Dos regiones, un origen: entre el silencio y la furia. A. Isla [ed.] Sociedad y articulación en las tierras altas jujeñas: crisis terminal de un modelo de desarrollo. Buenos Aires: MLAL, UBA.
LARRAIN, H.
1987 Etnogeografía. Santiago: Instituto Geográfico Militar
LOZANO, C.
2000 Más allá de la ideología y de la teología: protesta social, vida cotidiana y diferencias culturales en los andes de Jujuy. Estudios Atacameños, 19: 157-174]
MANRIQUEZ, V. & J.L. MARTINEZ
1995 Estudio Diagnóstico de la población colla de la III Región. Investigación Etnohistórica. Santiago: SUR Profesionales Ltda & Universidad Academia de Humanismo Cristiano, Departamento de Antropología. Manuscrito.
MINEDUC
2001 Ser Kolla. Santiago: Area de Culturas Originarias de la División de Cultura del Ministerio de Educación [http://www.serindigena.cl/pueblos/pko_01.htm].
2002 Comunidad Colla revive sus ritos y ceremonias. [http://www2.mineduc.cl/atacama/ noticias/Enero/N2002010818112711198.html]
MOLINA, R. & M. CORREA
1995 Informe sobre la ocupación territorial de las comunidades colla del Río Jorquera, Quebrada de Paipote y Potrerillos. Santiago: Grupo de Investigación TEPU. Manuscrito.
1996 Informe de solicitudes de tierras de fondo de valles [vegas, aguadas, campos de pastoreo) para las comunidades collas del Río Jorquera, Quebrada Paipote y Poterillos. Santiago: Grupo de Investigación TEPU. Manuscrito.
NARDI, R. L. J
1979. El kakán, lengua de los diaguitas. Sapiens (Chivilcoy, Argentina) 3: 1-33.
ROJAS, C.
1976 El mundo mágico de los collas. Memoria para optar al Título de Profesor de Estado en Castellano. La Serena, Universidad de Chile.
ROOSENS, E.
1989 Creating ethnicity: the process of ethnogenesis. Newbury Park: Sage.
RUMBOJUJUY
2001 Los collas [http://www.rumbojujuy.com.ar/aborigenes.htm].
SERPLAC-ATACAMA
2003 Caracterización de Grupos Prioritario en la Región de Atacamas: Pueblos Indígenas. [http://www.serplacatacama.cl/paginas_secundarias/grupos_prioritarios_indigenas.htm]
WILLIAMS, R.
1976 Keywords. Londres: Flamingo
[1] Social Anthropology, Master in Archeology and Doctor of History. Documentation Center of Patrimonial Goods, DIBAM.
[2] Social Anthropology, Master of Pedagogy. Atacama Regional Museum, Copiapó, DIBAM.
[3] E. Frites, an Argentinean colla men, say his ancestors inhabited in a vast territory in the northwest of Argentina which before, in the XVI century, was inhabited by the apatama, omaguaca and diaguitas, who when mixed between themselves the colla people raised [1971: 375-376].
[4] R. Williams [1976: 19] say that ethnos originally means “pagan” in Greek, and was used to refer to the no Greek people.
[5] In the Diego de Almagro county the collas are located in the Diego de Almagro, Potrerillos [currently in a eradication process], Inca de Oro towns and in the neighbouring gullies; in the Tierra Amarilla county there are urban population in the Tierra Amarilla and Los Loros towns and rural population in Río Jorquera, Río Pulido and neighbouring gullies; in the Copiapó county there are urban population in Paipote and Copiapó and rural population in the Hacienda La Puerta, Quebrada de San Miguel, Bolo area and Pastos Grandes [Conadi 2001].
[6] Oscar Pacho González support that the first records about the collas in Chile date from 1750, in Taltal, and they had a own languague named kakán, which existed until the arrival of a American mining company http://www.soc.uu.se/mapuche/news/merc020114.html. The kakán language corresponds, in fact, to the language spoken by the diaguita (Nardi 1979).
[7] González say that “the kollas who inhabits in the Potrerillos surroundings establish a labor union of muleteers” [2000: 2]
[8] Juan Pérez Bordones support “This Inca Carnival occurs in other places, it is called pachacuti. The breeder carry out a ceremony where the animals are branding and at the same time, as a tradition, and one of them is scarified. The New Year is celebrated with a lamb or coat; the aymarás prepared them with a llamo. In this carnival we hand over that strength to the person who donates the animal. Also during the ceremony the name of the next breeder is known. The blessing is for the animal, to it grows stronger, to more animals exist and over all to the owner of the animal. In this carnival we wanted to join with all the others populations. As colla population we feel very proud to have gained this Fondart Project since it help us to keep our traditions and to unify the different colla communities and turn us into a only one population” [Mineduc 2002].
[9] One year ago, a leader of the Diaguita Cultural Center in Copiapó asked for information to A. Gahona and Y. Jeria about the Diaguitas, since “we have to make up some typical Diaguitas” (Jaime Campillay).
Retrieved from “http://www.articlesbase.com/history-articles/ethnogenesis-and-cultural-identity-among-the-colla-groups-of-the-atacama-range-3610456.html”
(ArticlesBase SC #3610456)
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About the Author:
Daniel Quiroz, Social Anthropology, Master in Archeology and Doctor of History. Documentation Center of Patrimonial Goods, DIBAM.
Yuri Jeria, Social Anthropology, Master of Pedagogy. Atacama Regional Museum, Copiapó, DIBAM.
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When the Banks Say “No”, They Say “Yes”
Did you know you are being targeted and cheated.
When I was growing up, my mother had a phrase she’d used for people doing something unethical and/or outrageous: “Oh, they showed out with that!” Let me stress here: Our financial institutions are surely “showing out!” Ignorance is not always blissful; it can get you deeper and deeper into debt. Here is why. . . ,
Most of our large financial systems operate like the outlaws of the wild, wild West. They operate outside of what we think is good and decent and moral. They practically have free reign to charge what they want to, when they want to and how they want to. They can fee you do death: wake up in the morning fee; go to bed at night fee; “are you still breathing?” fee. Well, that is an exaggeration, but they can make up a fee and charge you!
They reserve the right to change terms and interest rates after you have already made an agreement. (In my neighborhood that was called ‘renigging’. For those of you pretending that you have moved on and don’t remember that word, urbandictionary.com says that it means: to back out of a deal or promise. In our court system, that is called ‘breach of contract’. In a marriage that is spelled d-i-v-o-r-c-e!) They also have the right to constantly check your credit report to see: what else you are purchasing; to see if you are receiving any other credit or to see if you are paying your other bills on time!
Armed with this information, some of them are able to evoke universal default. What is that you ask? Universal default gives creditors the right to raise your interest rates based on what they think you “might” do in the future based on a late payment to some other institution. That’s right folks; they have their own version of the ‘crystal ball’? (They should also ask the crystal ball if you can afford all those ridiculous fees!)
Credit Score equals e=mc2?
By the way, do you know what your credit score is? Do you know how they calculate your score? Well, neither do I and probably not even the President. The credit score system was designed so that you could be treated fairly when being considered for credit. HOWEVER (and yes, it is a big HOWEVER), they use a “secret formula algorithm” to calculate your credit score. If it is a secret formula then how do you know for sure it is fair? Hummmm…, like momma says, “they showed out with that!”
In case you didn’t know, your credit score works in the favor of the financial institutions – not in your favor. While most financial institutions are looking out for numero uno, who is looking out for you? I can go on and on telling you some of the things that I have learned since I decided to get control of my finances but that would be a big book of lamenting.
There are alternatives:
Alternative loan systems are a common practice that is popular but is overly abused. Pay Day Loans are quick but expensive. And there is always the possibility of going to jail for a bad check if you have a difficult time paying back the check and fees. Title loans are convenient but risky! I am my own witness to that statement. Borrowing money from friends and families sometime causes division and conflict. And we are all witnesses to that. With this in mind, Grow My Money Club designed a system that we, the creators, wanted to be a part of. That means our system is easy, risk free, educational, effective and life changing. It will officially open on the internet on March 1, 2009 at growmymoneyclub.com.
Our Grow My Money Club (GMMC) system reflects a program designed by Habitat (UN Center for Human Settlements). It was used in Uganda to stimulate micro enterprise and community development. A few years ago Muhammad Yunus, “banker to the poor” won the Nobel Peace Prize for a similar program. This program is cooperative economics at its best and is successful and is many years old. It is designed to give the disadvantaged financial empowerment. That is also the purpose of GMMC.
Why Choose GMMC’s Program?
Our loan practices are transparent: that means that we don’t hide what we do in legal jargon, typed on thin paper with text so small that it almost takes a magnifying glass to read it. It is easy to understand and the requirements are simple and uncomplicated. Transparency is a major factor when cultivating trust between company and customer. Most financial institutions want to keep you confused.
We don’t charge a bunch of fees! One of the main reasons Americans are in the mess they are in is because of the fees that are charged for making late payments or going over the limits. Those things can be controlled by the financial institutions but these same institutions choose not to because they get more money for allowing you to mess yourself up.
We don’t charge interest! This is a private club and the loans are disbursed to qualified members through our Financial Aid program. Other institutions are already getting rich just by charging numerous fees but then they charge interest on top of all of that! (And you already know what momma says to that!) We are dedicated to helping our members get ahead and take precaution not impede their progress.
We don’t do credit checks: As we mentioned before, the credit score system is outrageous! You are represented by a number that doesn’t tell who you really are! It doesn’t tell that you are a decent single mother trying your best to make ends meet with two jobs. It doesn’t tell if you are recently divorced and you are stuck with all the bills. It doesn’t tell if you’re a good guy. It doesn’t tell much at all! And when people have bad scores, they pay more money in fees and higher interest rates but it is usually these people who can’t afford extra fees, who have less money but have to pay more. It’s outrageous! (Outrageous, I say!) If this is you, how do you ever get ahead? News flash – you’re not supposed to.
We educate: We don’t want you to be blind and dumb about what is being done with your money so we can extract more money from you. We want you to know what is going on! This is the advantage of being a member of the Grow My Money Club! We believe that you need to know about money and finances and take care of them as if it is an extension of yourself. When you are dealing with creditors and lenders, they only see numbers – not you, so take care of your numbers! Because of how our system operates, we see YOU not your credit score.
Our members advertise for us: We could created a company, hired agents and paid them to convince you to join our club but we chose a less expensive but more effective route – we chose you. As qualified members your voices are heard. We allow our members recruit for our club. When they reach their quota, they are allowed to participate in our loan program.
We practice cooperative economics: You’ve struggled by yourself. You don’t know how you’re going to make it through the month and you are sick and tired of being sick and tired. Join the club! We all work together as a team to achieve our goals to bridge the net worth gap between us and other more advantaged people. As our members recruit other members for membership we become a stronger organization. And just with the program designed for the Ugandan people, we take the resources and redistribute it while providing an education. In most cases, it is very difficult to get a loan from your own banking institution, even if you have been a customer for years!
Money back guarantee: GMMC guarantees that if you do our club program, meaning your follow the rules and guidelines, and you don’t receive your financial aid, we will refund you your processing fee. We don’t know of any other lending institutions that will refund you your processing fee! That is how confident we are that our system works!
In this day in time we have a couple of choices: we can continue to trust that our financial institutions to have our best interest at heart and continue to follow their lead or we can band together to do something different but better. We can take our financial future in our own hands; we can give them a wake up call and say “we understand the importance of your role in our society but you’re going to have to do better with your fees and practices because now I have options.”
When you take control of your financial future by getting education and positive funding you get a great sense of freedom. Then those shark institutions will have to say of you, “they showed out with that!”, as they are scrambling to win your business back! And like the commercial says, “When banks compete, you win!”
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Traci Gardner -
About the Author:
Author is co-founder of Grow My Money Club and has been trained in business and organizational management. She is also a consultant for small companies seeking to expand into the government contracting business.
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Home Page > Finance > Real Estate > Broward Florida MLS LIstings
Broward Florida MLS LIstings
Posted: Sep 01, 2010 |Comments: 0
|
Broward Florida MLS LIstings
By: Florida Mortgage
About the Author
:: www.BrowardHomes954.com :: www.BrowardMLS954.com :: www.BrowardHomesForSale954.com
(ArticlesBase SC #3178839)
Article Source: http://www.articlesbase.com/ – Broward Florida MLS LIstings
Type in the Quick Search By MLS ID at http://www.browardmls954.com/
Broward Florida MLS LIstings at http://www.browardmls954.com/
# ML# I# Status Area Address List Price #Beds #FB #HB SqFt LA Style Type Yr Blt #Gar Subdivision Pool?
140 H878241 0 A 3020 2255 MCCLELLAN ST $175,500 4 3 0 1,575 R30 SINGLE 1979 0 NEW LIBERIA 6-43 B N
141 F1050083 6 A 3050 2339 COOLIDGE ST $175,000 4 2 0 1,955 R30 SINGLE 1981 0 Waterview Isles N
142 F1076228 5 A 3030 808 JOHNSON ST $175,000 3 2 0 1,733 R30 SINGLE 1971 0 HOLLYWOOD LAKES N
143 H876519 16 A 3070 3226 TAFT ST $175,000 3 2 0 1,844 R30 SINGLE 1971 0 PARK ROAD MANOR 30-19 B N
144 H878278 5 A 3050 1934 FUNSTON ST $175,000 4 4 0 1,059 R30 SINGLE 1952 0 HOLLYWOOD SOUTH SIDE N
145 H878413 3 A 3070 822 N 32ND AV $175,000 3 2 0 1,423 R30 SINGLE 1957 1 ORANGEBROOK GOLF ESTATES N
146 F1092138 11 A 3070 930 N 32ND AV $175,000 3 2 0 1,599 R30 SINGLE 1957 0 BREEZY MANOR N
147 H870648 7 A 3030 1607 TAFT ST $174,900 3 2 0 1,183 R30 SINGLE 1956 0 TAFT VILLAS 28-41 B N
148 F937188 8 A 3050 1004 S 24TH AV $173,000 3 2 0 1,819 R30 SINGLE 1952 0 HOLLYWOOD HIGHLANDS PARK N
149 D1408315 5 A 3040 127 NW 3RD AV $170,000 3 2 0 1,842 R30 SINGLE 2008 0 TOWN OF HALLANDALE B-13 D N
150 F1085202 1 A 3020 728 SW 5TH ST $169,000 3 2 0 1,860 R30 SINGLE 1985 1 COLLEGE N
151 F1010273 6 A 3040 108 SW 3RD AV $167,000 3 2 0 1,351 R30 SINGLE 1957 0 TOWN OF HALLANDALE B-13 D N
152 H877926 5 A 3050 1960 MAYO ST $167,000 3 2 0 1,971 R30 SINGLE 1955 0 HOLLYWOOD VIEW 12-47 B N
153 D1412060 0 A 3020 2200 MCCLELLAN ST $167,000 3 2 0 0 R30 SINGLE 2006 1 NEW LIBERIA 6-43 B N
154 D1392808 9 A 3050 2438 THOMAS ST $164,900 3 2 0 1,631 R30 SINGLE 1959 0 HOLLYWOOD PARK 4-19 B N
155 M1405107 7 A 3040 907 NE 4TH ST $164,900 3 2 0 1,217 R30 SINGLE 1956 1 GULFSTREAM ESTATES 37-6 B N
156 F1066239 1 A 3050 522 N 24TH AV $160,000 3 2 0 1,212 R30 SINGLE 1957 0 OCEAN BREEZE N
157 D1399910 1 A 3050 2527 JACKSON ST $159,900 3 2 0 1,500 R30 SINGLE 1951 0 HOLLYWOOD LITTLE RANCHES N
158 M1396276 4 A 3050 2716 POLK ST $159,500 3 2 0 1,567 R30 SINGLE 1966 0 HOLLYWOOD LITTLE RANCHES N
159 F1086162 11 A 3030 1943 RODMAN ST $159,000 3 3 0 1,807 R30 SINGLE 1952 0 HOLLYWOOD SOUTH SIDE N
160 M1350933 11 A 3020 259 SW 8TH ST $155,999 3 2 0 1,327 R30 SINGLE 1955 0 DANIA HOMESITES 28-40 B N
161 M1327517 13 A 3050 2601 TAFT ST $155,000 3 2 0 1,835 R30 SINGLE 1957 0 CRANSTON TERRACE 28-14 B N
162 H868271 3 A 3050 1805 N 22ND AV $150,000 3 2 0 1,258 R30 SINGLE 1966 0 HOLLYWOOD PARK 4-19 B N
163 M1391814 3 A 3040 305 SW 9TH TE $150,000 3 2 0 1,306 R30 SINGLE 1960 0 OAK ACRES 46-39 B N
164 M1409967 2 A 3050 2228 HOOD ST $150,000 3 2 0 1,351 R30 SINGLE 2005 0 LIBERIA 1-34 B N
165 D1382025 5 A 3040 648 NW 6TH CT $149,900 3 2 0 1,744 R30 SINGLE 1956 0 FOSTER PARK 21-13 B N
166 F1091328 7 A 3050 2639 FLETCHER CT $149,900 3 2 0 1,548 R30 SINGLE 1960 0 SUNSHINE MANOR NO 2 28-7 N
167 D1406752 1 A 3030 1727 PIERCE ST $149,500 3 2 0 1,651 R30 SINGLE 1936 0 HOLLYWOOD 1-21 B N
168 M1402095 13 A 3050 822 S 26TH AV $145,500 4 2 0 1,584 R30 SINGLE 1953 0 HOLLYWOOD LITTLE RANCHES N
169 D1411645 9 A 3050 2738 MADISON ST $145,000 4 3 0 1,938 R30 SINGLE 1954 0 HOLLYWOOD LITTLE RANCHES N
170 D1405767 7 A 3050 2347 LEE ST $144,900 3 2 0 2,160 R30 SINGLE 1973 0 HOLLYWOOD PARK 4-19 B N
171 M1404829 12 A 3050 1410 S 29TH AV $144,900 4 3 0 1,797 R30 SINGLE 1961 0 BERMACK HEIGHTS N
172 M1410099 5 A 3040 717 SW 5TH CT $144,900 3 2 0 1,000 R30 SINGLE 1956 0 HOPPERS GARDEN N
173 D1413704 16 A 3050 635 S 26TH AV $143,000 3 2 0 840 R30 SINGLE 1972 1 HOLLYWOOD LITTLE RANCHES N
174 H877406 10 A 3050 523 S 28TH AV $142,000 5 4 0 1,871 R30 SINGLE 1964 0 HOLLYWOOD LITTLE RANCHESML# I# Status Area Address List Price #Beds #FB #HB SqFt LA Style Type Yr Blt #Gar Subdivision Pool?
105 D1406640 16 A 3040 812 NE 6TH ST $225,000 3 2 0 1,700 R30 SINGLE 1978 0 ATLANTIC SHORES DIXIE HIG N
106 F1092368 16 A 3030 1829 TAYLOR ST $225,000 3 2 0 2,330 R30 SINGLE 1949 0 HOLLYWOOD 1-21 B N
107 F1067039 9 A 3020 61 SW 14TH ST $219,900 4 3 0 1,928 R30 SINGLE 1955 0 NORTH HOLLYWOOD 4-1 B N
108 M1401948 5 A 3070 706 N 31ST CT $218,000 3 2 0 0 R30 SINGLE 1958 0 ORANGEBROOK GOLF ESTATES N
109 M1306816 16 A 3040 1001 NE 6TH ST $215,000 3 3 0 1,746 R31 SINGLE 1959 2 GULFSTREAM ESTATES NO 2 3 Y
110 H878249 12 A 3050 2620 COOLIDGE ST $210,000 4 2 0 1,484 R30 SINGLE 1979 1 WATERVIEW ISLES 99-15 B N
111 D1407428 9 A 3030 907 N 13TH AV $208,900 3 2 0 1,480 R30 SINGLE 1963 0 COUNTRY CLUB HOMES 38-13 N
112 F1092671 1 A 3030 1050 POLK ST $207,000 3 2 0 2,201 R30 SINGLE 1953 1 HOLLYWOOD LAKES N
113 F1045942 1 A 3030 1142 LINCOLN ST $200,000 3 2 0 1,829 R30 SINGLE 1970 0 HOLLYWOOD LAKES N
114 D1396007 1 A 3050 1847 FLETCHER ST $200,000 3 2 0 1,107 R30 SINGLE 1952 0 ALDEN MANOR 24-8 B N
115 M1413458 4 A 3030 1631 LEE ST $200,000 4 3 0 1,770 R30 SINGLE 1953 0 HOLLYWOOD HOMESITES REV N
116 F1080365 8 A 3030 1542 GRANT ST $199,990 4 3 0 2,309 R30 SINGLE 1959 0 HOLLYWOOD COUNTRY CLUB DI N
117 D1410436 1 A 3070 3230 ARTHUR TE $199,900 3 2 0 2,150 R31 SINGLE 1972 0 PARK ROAD MANOR 30-19 B Y
118 F1091105 10 A 3030 1442 GARFIELD ST $199,900 3 2 0 1,528 R30 SINGLE 1958 1 CARRIGAN VILLA 37-16 B N
119 F879815 2 A 3020 46 SE 12TH ST $199,000 4 2 0 1,800 R30 SINGLE 1967 0 ST JAMES PARK DELMAR 11-2 N
120 F1050185 1 A 3030 1608 JEFFERSON ST $199,000 3 2 0 1,369 R30 SINGLE 1944 0 HOLLYWOOD 1-21 B N
121 D1382221 8 A 3070 3206 MCKINLEY ST $199,000 3 3 1 1,800 R31 SINGLE 1942 0 PARK ROAD MANOR 30-19 B Y
122 D1393286 3 A 5940 1944 TAFT ST $199,000 4 2 0 1,980 R30 SINGLE 1992 0 NORTH HOLLYWOOD 4-1 B N
123 F1062114 13 A 3020 27 SE 13TH TE $195,000 3 2 0 1,400 R30 SINGLE 1960 1 ST JAMES PARK DELMAR 11-2 N
124 H874174 10 A 3030 1214 N 15TH AV $194,900 3 2 0 1,418 R30 SINGLE 1962 0 HOLLYWOOD PLACE 7-6 B N
125 H851002 1 A 3050 2231 TAYLOR ST $190,000 3 2 0 1,586 R30 SINGLE 1952 0 HOLLYWOOD LITTLE RANCHES N
126 D1405704 16 A 3050 1954 PLUNKETT ST $190,000 3 3 0 1,431 R31 SINGLE 1956 1 HOLLYWOOD VIEW 12-47 B Y
127 F1088417 0 A 3050 1846 MAYO ST $190,000 3 2 0 1,279 R30 SINGLE 1952 0 ALDEN MANOR 24-8 B N
128 D1391397 4 A 3040 221 NE 4TH ST $189,990 3 2 0 1,612 R30 SINGLE 1952 0 HALLANDALE HEIGHTS 23-19 N
129 F805659 8 A 3070 714 N 32ND CT $189,900 3 2 0 1,431 R30 SINGLE 1957 0 ORANGEBROOK GOLF ESTATES N
130 F1080894 16 A 3030 1505 SHENANDOAH ST $189,000 3 2 0 1,343 R30 SINGLE 1957 0 HOLLYWOOD HOMESITES SECON N
131 F1085781 12 A 5940 2021 JEFFERSON ST $188,000 3 3 0 1,933 R30 SINGLE 1945 0 HOLLYWOOD 1-21 B N
132 D1266378 4 A 3030 1609 N 16TH CT $185,000 3 3 0 1,247 R30 SINGLE 1944 1 CLEVELAND TERRACE FIRST N
133 M1262729 3 A 3030 1020 N 11TH CT $180,000 4 2 0 1,284 R30 SINGLE 2005 0 LOOK HOMESITES NO 4 41-46 N
134 F1072252 2 A 3030 1624 MONROE ST $180,000 3 3 0 1,911 R30 SINGLE 1936 0 HOLLYWOOD 1-21 B N
135 M1412003 1 A 3050 1830 FUNSTON ST $179,900 3 2 1,050 R30 SINGLE 1952 0 HOLLYWOOD SOUTH SIDE N
136 F983162 0 A 3040 717 NW 1ST ST $179,000 3 2 0 1,058 R30 SINGLE 1960 0 BINSTOCKS N
137 H875751 6 A 3050 2622 PLUNKETT ST $179,000 5 2 0 1,961 R30 SINGLE 1960 0 SOUTH HOLLYWOOD AMD N
138 D1404899 8 A 3020 224 SW 5TH ST $179,000 3 2 0 1,380 R30 SINGLE 1957 2 DANIA HEIGHTS 3-22 B N
139 M1379946 1 A 3040 917 SW 8TH ST $175,900 3 2 0 1,544 R30 SINGLE 2008 2 GOLDEN HEIGHTS 4-9 B N
01-Sep-2010D1306056 8 A 3030 1751 E TRAFALGAR CR $420,900 3 2 0 1,872 R30 SINGLE 1998 1 THE HOME AT EAST LAKE 159 N
2 M1375677 11 A 3030 1033 TYLER ST $420,000 3 3 0 1,930 R31 SINGLE 1938 0 HOLLYWOOD LAKES Y
3 D1409262 8 A 3030 1115 LYON TREE ST $420,000 4 2 1 1,798 R30 SINGLE 1997 2 WEST LAKE VILLAGE N
4 F1050727 12 A 3030 1424 MADISON ST $419,990 4 3 0 1,977 R31 SINGLE 1956 0 South Lake HOLYWO 1-21 B Y
5 F1083973 16 A 3030 1125 OYSTERWOOD ST $415,000 3 2 1 1,919 R30 SINGLE 1995 2 WESTLAKE VILLAGE N
6 M1296996 16 A 3030 1501 HARRISON ST $410,000 3 3 1,883 R30 SINGLE 1954 1 HOLLYWOOD 1-21 B N
7 H871209 2 A 3020 845 NATURES COVE RD $400,000 3 2 1 1,967 R31 SINGLE 1998 2 HOLLYWOOD BEACH PARK NO 2 Y
8 F1042606 12 A 3030 1140 JEFFERSON ST $399,900 3 2 1 2,300 R30 SINGLE 1978 0 HOLLYWOOD LAKES N
9 F1089230 11 A 3030 945 HARRISON ST $399,900 3 2 0 1,844 R30 SINGLE 1952 1 HOLLYWOOD LAKES N
10 M1349234 10 A 3030 1343 HOLLYWOOD BL $399,000 3 3 0 1,700 R30 SINGLE 1947 0 HOLLYWOOD LAKES N
11 F1071731 2 A 3030 1140 RIVER BIRCH ST $399,000 4 2 1 2,200 R30 SINGLE 1995 2 WEST LAKE VILLAGE N
12 F1078963 13 A 3030 1127 HOLLYWOOD BL $399,000 4 2 0 2,028 R30 SINGLE 1953 1 HOLLYWOOD LAKES N
13 F1082161 9 A 3030 1115 WEST LAKE ST. $398,000 3 2 1 1,919 R32 SINGLE 1995 2 WESTLAKE VILLAGE N
14 H863899 7 A 3020 705 NATURES COVE RD $395,000 3 3 1 2,450 R30 SINGLE 1999 2 HOLLYWOOD BEACH PARK NO 2 N
15 M1334096 14 A 3030 1260 JOHNSON CT $394,000 4 4 0 2,354 R31 SINGLE 2000 2 SAN MARINO VILLAGE 161-48 YML# I# Status Area Address List Price #Beds #FB #HB SqFt LA Style Type Yr Blt #Gar Subdivision Pool?
35 H874142 16 A 3030 1402 WILEY ST $335,000 3 2 0 1,887 R31 SINGLE 1959 0 SUNSET TRAILS NO 4 24-34 Y
36 D1406614 16 A 3040 924 NE 6TH ST $329,900 4 3 0 1,828 R30 SINGLE 1962 0 GULFSTREAM ESTATES 37-6 B N
37 D1400776 5 A 3030 1515 DEWEY ST $329,000 4 2 0 1,372 R31 SINGLE 1946 0 SUNSET TRAILS 16-13 B Y
38 F1006257 1 A 3050 2201 POLK ST $325,000 4 2 0 600 R30 SINGLE 1934 0 HOLLYWOOD LITTLE RANCHES N
39 F1076676 12 A 3030 1316 ARTHUR ST $325,000 3 2 0 1,900 R30 SINGLE 1964 1 COUNTRY CLUB HOMES 38-13 N1 A 3040 1012 NE 7TH ST $280,000 4 3 0 1,556 R30 SINGLE 1957 0 GULFSTREAM ESTATES NO 2 3 N
71 H879025 7 A 3020 334 SE 3RD ST $280,000 3 2 0 1,681 R30 SINGLE 1974 1 OCEAN VIEW GOLF N
72 F1045143 16 A 3020 207 SE 8TH ST $279,000 3 2 0 1,781 R30 SINGLE 1989 2 CENTRAL DANIA HEIGHTS 100 N
73 F822858 2 A 3050 1924 MAYO ST $275,000 4 3 0 1,846 R30 SINGLE 1967 0 BROWARD MANOR OF HOLLYWOO N
74 F1073300 16 A 3030 1230 S 17TH AV $275,000 3 2 0 1,920 R30 SINGLE 1965 2 HOLLYWOOD SOUTH SIDE N
75 M1372337 9 A 3020 208 SE 4TH TE $274,900 3 2 0 1,500 R31 SINGLE 1977 1 DANIA HIGHLANDS 87-1 B Y
76 M1408399 8 A 3030 1433 MONROE ST $269,900 3 2 0 1,607 R30 SINGLE 1971 0 HOLLYWOOD 1-21 B N
77 F1031043 14 A 3050 2111 N 24TH AV $269,000 3 2 0 1,258 R30 SINGLE 1952 0 HOLLYWOOD PARK 4-19 B N
78 H875541 8 A 3050 701 SW 1ST ST $264,900 4 3 0 1,870 R30 SINGLE 1969 0 INGALLS N
79 M1406901 6 A 3040 1024 NE 4TH ST $260,000 4 2 0 2,081 R30 SINGLE 1964 0 GULFSTREAM ESTATES NO 3 5 N
80 H878352 3 A 3030 1311 DEWEY ST $259,000 3 2 0 1,552 R30 SINGLE 1957 0 SUNNY ACRES 28-30 B N
81 D1324307 8 A 3020 1070 SE 6TH AV $252,000 3 2 1 1,700 R32 SINGLE 1995 1 U.S. LEND LEASE N
82 R3133683 15 A 3040 130 SW 1st Av $250,000 3 2 0 1,522 R30 S 1941 Hallandale B-13 D N
83 F1037968 3 A 3030 1123 N SOUTHLAKE DR $250,000 3 3 0 1,556 R31 SINGLE 1950 0 HOLLYWOOD LAKES Y
84 H877884 1 A 3050 1506 S 19TH AV $250,000 3 2 0 1,146 R31 SINGLE 1953 0 BROWARD MANOR OF HOLLYWOO Y
85 M1334689 14 A 3070 3232 VAN BUREN ST $249,900 3 2 0 1,800 R31 SINGLE 1956 1 CENTRAL GOLF Y
86 F1048910 8 A 3070 3230 CLEVELAND ST $249,900 3 2 0 1,192 R30 SINGLE 1970 0 PARK ROAD MANOR 30-19 B N
87 H876293 13 A 3070 941 N 31ST AV $249,900 3 2 0 1,724 R34 SINGLE 1978 1 CENTRAL GOLF N
88 F1085646 0 A 3050 2739 BRUCE TE $249,900 3 2 0 0 R34 SINGLE 1956 0 LOOK HOMESITES NO 2 38-2 N
89 F1089556 12 A 3030 1741 EAST TRAFALGER CIRCL $249,900 3 2 1 0 R30 SINGLE 1998 2 THE HOMES AT EAST LAKE N
90 F991379 14 A 3020 236 SW 12TH ST $249,500 4 2 0 2,091 R30 SINGLE 1947 0 NORTH HOLLYWOOD 4-1 B N
91 H875346 8 A 3030 1326 DEWEY ST $249,000 3 2 0 1,400 R30 SINGLE 1955 1 SUNNY ACRES 28-30 B N
92 M1366934 2 A 3020 1102 N 13TH AV $245,000 3 2 0 1,487 R30 SINGLE 1962 0 COUNTRY CLUB HOMES 38-13 N
93 D1343385 15 A 3050 2531 FUNSTON ST $240,000 4 3 0 1,700 R30 SINGLE 1952 1 WASHINGTON HEIGHTS 22-1 B N
94 F949128 11 A 3050 1211 N 25TH AV $236,985 4 4 0 2,700 R31 SINGLE 1968 0 HOLLYWOOD TERRACE AMEN Y
95 F1083228 16 A 3070 3222 MCKINLEY ST $235,000 3 2 0 1,779 R30 SINGLE 1954 0 PARK ROAD MANOR 30-19 B N
96 M1411199 16 A 3020 228 SE 9TH ST $234,900 3 2 0 2,058 R30 SINGLE 1988 2 CENTRAL DANIA HEIGHT N
97 D1406006 7 A 3050 1309 S 22ND CT $232,900 3 2 0 1,600 R30 SINGLE 1953 0 BELMAR N
98 D1384993 1 A 3040 713 NW 6TH ST $230,000 4 3 0 1,704 R30 SINGLE 2008 0 WEST HARLEM 21-26 B N
99 D1413543 12 A 3070 3167 JOHNSON ST $230,000 3 2 0 1,452 R30 SINGLE 1994 2 BREEZY MANOR N
100 M1341542 9 A 3030 1617 RODMAN ST $229,900 4 2 0 0 R30 SINGLE 1956 0 SUNSET TRAILS NO 3 22-11 N
101 M1411736 8 A 3030 1015 BUCHANAN ST $229,900 3 2 1 0 R30 SINGLE 1962 1 HOLLYWOOD LAKES N
102 R3129168 10 A 3070 1401 N 31st Rd $229,000 3 2 0 1,603 R30 S 1956 Central Golf Sec Hwd 09-4 N
103 F1066902 12 A 3050 430 N 24TH AV $229,000 3 2 0 1,390 R30 SINGLE 1953 1 OCEAN BREEZE GARDENS RESU N
104 F1091687 16 A 3020 414 SE 5TH ST $229,000 3 2 0 1,414 R30 SINGLE 1990 2 HOLLYWOOD BEACH PARK 12-6 N
40 D1411639 0 A 3040 226 SE 10TH ST $325,000 3 2 1,474 R31 SINGLE 1972 2 HALLANDALE PARK 5-20 B Y
41 M1412224 11 A 3030 1113 BUCHANAN ST $324,900 3 2 0 1,506 R30 SINGLE 1971 1 HOLLYWOOD LAKES N
42 D1411980 16 A 3020 717 NATURE’S COVE RD $324,749 3 2 1 2,142 R32 SINGLE 1998 2 HOLLYWOOD BEACH PARK NO 2 N
43 D1315084 11 A 3040 740 SW 9TH ST $320,000 3 2 0 1,481 R31 SINGLE 1994 0 ANDICON-NOBEL TWO 152-50 Y
44 M1380721 16 A 3020 634 TRAFALGAR CT $320,000 3 2 1 1,500 R34 SINGLE 1996 1 Sheridan Ocean Club N
45 M1406927 4 A 3030 1558 HARRISON ST $319,900 3 3 0 1,692 R30 SINGLE 1958 1 HOLLYWOOD 1-21 B N
46 F828035 8 A 3070 309 N 31ST AV $319,000 3 2 1 2,056 R34 SINGLE 1957 0 ORANGEBROOK GOLF ESTATES N
47 D1408958 12 A 3030 1316 WASHINGTON ST $319,000 4 3 0 2,069 R31 SINGLE 1956 1 SUNNY ACRES 28-30 B Y
48 F1089011 0 A 3030 1226 HOLLYWOOD BL $318,900 3 2 0 2,058 R30 SINGLE 1957 1 HOLLYWOOD LAKES N
49 D1409830 3 A 3030 1271 JOHNSON CT $318,126 4 2 1 2,068 R30 SINGLE 1999 2 SAN MARINO VILLAGE 161-48 N
50 D1402158 8 A 3090 1251 FUNSTON ST $315,000 3 2 0 1,863 R30 SINGLE 1972 2 SUNNY ACRES 28-30 B N
Type in the Quick Search By MLS ID at http://www.browardmls954.com/
51 H871433 6 A 3030 1312 POLK ST $310,000 5 2 0 4,373 R31 SINGLE 1927 2 HOLLYWOOD LAKES Y
52 M1399633 1 A 3040 713 SW 2ND CT $310,000 3 2 0 1,220 R32 SINGLE 1961 1 ACRES LAKE ESTATES 54-1 B N
53 F1081639 16 A 3020 318 SE 3RD PL $310,000 3 2 0 1,713 R31 SINGLE 1990 2 OCEAN VIEW GOLF Y
54 F1088825 7 A 3030 944 LINCOLN ST $301,000 3 2 0 1,885 R31 SINGLE 1979 1 HOLLYWOOD LAKES Y
55 F1028272 16 A 3020 715 SE 3RD CT $299,900 3 2 0 2,088 R30 SINGLE 1988 1 TOWN & COUNTRY ESTATES N
56 F1073786 10 A 3030 1317 JOHNSON ST $299,900 3 2 0 2,239 R30 SINGLE 1963 1 COUNTRY CLUB HOMES 38-13 N
57 R3048958 1 A 3020 228 Se 8th St $299,000 3 2 0 1,695 R30 S 1989 2 Central Dania Heights 100 N
58 F994482 8 A 3050 2647 POLK ST $299,000 3 2 0 3,288 R31 SINGLE 1959 6 HOLLYWOOD LITTLE RANCHES Y
59 D1348289 6 A 3030 1531 LEE ST $299,000 3 2 0 1,449 R30 SINGLE 1955 0 HOLLYWOOD HOMESITES SECON N
60 F1057985 13 A 3050 2627 COOLIDGE ST $299,000 4 2 0 2,078 R32 SINGLE 1981 1 WATERVIEW ISLES 99-15 B N
61 M1384750 6 A 3030 1130 OYSTERWOOD ST $299,000 3 2 0 0 R31 SINGLE 1995 2 WESTLAKE VILLAGE Y
62 F1071052 16 A 3030 2115 N 15TH AV $299,000 3 2 0 1,030 R30 SINGLE 1958 0 HOLLYWOOD HOMESITES SECON N
63 M1394259 16 A 3040 109 SW 8TH ST $299,000 4 4 0 2,240 R31 SINGLE 1981 2 HALLANDALE BY THE SEA 6-1 Y
64 H876012 1 A 3020 1400 SCOTT ST $299,000 3 2 0 1,957 R30 SINGLE 1976 0 HOLLYWOOD HOMESITES HIGH N
65 F1081839 11 A 3030 1519 GRANT ST $297,000 3 2 0 1,455 R31 SINGLE 1959 0 HOLLYWOOD COUNTRY CLUB ES Y
66 D1412360 1 A 3040 721 SW 6TH TE $291,620 3 2 0 1,307 R30 SINGLE 1967 1 BUILDING SPECIALTIES INC N
67 H877015 2 A 3050 434 S 20TH AV $285,000 4 3 0 1,390 R30 SINGLE 1952 1 HOLLYWOOD 1-21 B N
68 M1318061 2 A 3040 824 NE 6TH ST $280,000 4 3 0 1,433 R30 SINGLE 1970 0 ATLANTIC SHORES DIXIE HIG N
69 M1377044 9 A 3050 711 N 28TH AV $280,000 4 2 0 1,778 R31 SINGLE 1942 0 HOLLYWOOD LITTLE RANCHES
16 R3122991 11 A 3030 1243 Garfield St $375,000 4 2 1 2,022 R31 S 1967 COUNTRY CLUB HOMES Y
17 D1409375 16 A 3010 605 S OCEAN DR $374,900 3 2 0 1,400 R30 SINGLE 1950 0 HOLLYWOOD BEACH 1-27 B N
18 H877444 9 A 3030 1320 HOLLYWOOD BL $369,900 3 2 0 2,004 R30 SINGLE 1938 2 HOLLYWOOD LAKES N
19 F1074701 14 A 3030 1046 SATINLEAF ST $369,000 3 2 1 2,270 R30 SINGLE 1995 2 WESTLAKE VILLAGE N
20 F1089929 11 A 3030 942 JOHNSON ST $369,000 4 3 0 1,912 R30 SINGLE 1971 1 HOLLYWOOD LAKES N
21 F981057 1 A 3050 2641 MADISON ST $365,000 3 2 0 R30 SINGLE 1963 0 HOLLYWOOD LITTLE RANCHES N
22 D1411386 9 A 3030 1100 QUEEN PALM CT $360,000 3 2 1 1,919 R32 SINGLE 1995 2 WESTLAKE VILLAGE N
23 R3083876 11 A 3030 1640 Cleveland St $349,000 4 2 0 1,757 R30 S 1946 Cleveland Terrace N
24 H875020 14 A 3020 721 NATURE’S COVE RD $349,000 3 2 0 2,174 R30 SINGLE 1996 2 HOLLYWOOD BEACH PARK NO 2 N
25 F1076330 10 A 3030 1412 WASHINGTON ST $349,000 3 3 0 4,056 R31 SINGLE 1984 0 SUNSET TRAILS 16-13 B Y
26 M1400092 16 A 3050 2901 MCKINLEY ST $349,000 3 2 0 0 R35 SINGLE 1978 1 SUNSET ISLES Y
27 M1413809 2 A 3030 1219 HOLLYWOOD BL $348,000 3 2 0 1,848 R30 SINGLE 1958 0 HOLLYWOOD LAKES N
28 H868408 12 A 3030 1639 VAN BUREN ST $347,777 4 4 0 2,200 R30 SINGLE 1950 0 HOLLYWOOD 1-21 B N
29 M1401212 10 A 3030 1227 LINCOLN ST $345,000 3 2 0 1,645 R30 SINGLE 1958 1 HOLLYWOOD LAKES N
30 H878546 16 A 3030 1520 SWEETBAY WY $344,900 3 2 0 1,420 R32 SINGLE 1996 1 WEST LAKE VILLAGE N
31 H872986 1 A 3030 1051 SILVERBELL ST $340,000 4 3 0 2,335 R30 SINGLE 1995 2 WEST LAKE VILLAGE N
32 D1397495 11 A 3050 2646 LEE ST $339,900 3 2 0 2,126 R35 SINGLE 1964 2 HOLLYWOOD ISLES 33-50 B Y
33 H877418 16 A 3070 2108 N 32ND CT $339,900 3 2 0 1,765 R31 SINGLE 1965 1 HOLLYWOOD HEIGHTS Y
34 F1061559 11 A 3030 1223 JEFFERSON ST $335,000 3 2 0 1,800 R30 SINGLE 1956 1 HOLLYWOOD LAKES
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Culture Of Malta
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Home Page > Business > Customer Service > Culture Of Malta
Culture Of Malta
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Culture Of Malta
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Article Source: http://www.articlesbase.com/ – Culture Of Malta
The temple complex of Mnajdra (4th mi-3200 BC)
The earliest inhabitants of the Maltese Islands are believed to have been Sicani from nearby Sicily who arrived on the island sometime before 5000 BC. They grew cereals and raised domestic livestock and, in keeping with many other ancient Mediterranean cultures, formed a fertility cult represented in Malta by statuettes of unusually large proportions. Pottery from the earliest period of Maltese civilization (known as the Gar Dalam phase) is similar to examples found in Agrigento, Sicily. These people were either supplanted by, or gave rise to a culture of megalithic temple builders, whose surviving monuments on Malta and Gozo are considered the oldest standing stone structures in the world. The temples date from 40002500 BC and typically consist of a complex trefoil design.
Little is known about the temple builders of Malta and Gozo; however there is some evidence that their rituals included animal sacrifice. This culture disappeared from the Maltese Islands around 2500 BC and was replaced by a new influx of Bronze Age immigrants, a culture that is known to have cremated its dead and introduced smaller megalithic structures called dolmens to Malta.
The development of modern Maltese culture
Main article: History of Malta
See also: Timeline of Maltese history
The culture of modern Malta has been described as a “rich pattern of traditions, beliefs and practices,” which is the result of “a long process of adaptation, assimilation and cross fertilization of beliefs and usages drawn from various conflicting sources.” It has been subjected to the same complex, historic processes that gave rise to the linguistic and ethnic admixture that defines who the people of Malta and Gozo are today.
Maltese culture has both Semitic and Latin European origins and a British legacy is also evident. The Latin European element is more readily apparent in modern Malta because of virtually continuous cultural impact on Malta over the past eight centuries and the fact that Malta shares the religious beliefs, traditions and ceremonies of its Sicilian and Southern European neighbors.
Sources of Semitic influence
Phoenicians
The Phoenicians inhabited the Maltese Islands from around 700 BCE, and made extensive use of their sheltered harbours. By 480 BCE, with the ascendancy of Carthage in the western Mediterranean, Malta became a Punic colony. Phoenician origins have been suggested for the Maltese people and their customs since 1565. A genetic study carried out by geneticists Spencer Wells and Pierre Zalloua of the American University of Beirut demonstrated that more than 50% of Y-chromosomes from Maltese men may have Phoenician origins.
Algerian legend claims that the ancestors of the present Maltese, together with the first Algerians, fled from their original homeland of Aram, with some choosing to settle in Malta and others in North Africa, which would suggest that the prototypical Maltese culture had Aramaean origins. Another tradition suggests that the Maltese are descended from shepherd tribes who fled Bethlehem in the face of an advancing enemy, set sail from Jaffa, and settled in Malta. There is also some evidence that at least one North African tribe, the Oulad Said, claim that they share common ancestry with the Maltese.
Fatimid conquest
This period coincided with the golden age of Moorish culture and included innovations like the introduction of crop rotation and irrigation systems in Malta and Sicily, and the cultivation of citrus fruits and mulberries. Then capital city Mdina, originally called Maleth by the Phoenicians, was at this time refortified, surrounded with a wide moat and separated from its nearest town, Rabat. This period of Arabic influence followed the conquest of Malta, Sicily and Southern Italy by the Fatimids. It is presently evident in the names of various Maltese towns and villages and in the Maltese language, a genetic descendant of Siculo-Arabic.
It is difficult to trace a continuous line of cultural development during this time. A proposed theory that the islands were sparsely populated during Fatimid rule is based on a citation in the French translation of the Rawd al-mi’r f khabar al-aqr (“The Scented Garden of Information about Places”). Al-Himyari describes Malta as generally uninhabited and visited by Arabs solely for the purpose of gathering honey and timber and catching fish. No other chronicles make similar descriptions and this claim is not universally accepted.
Kufic gravestone of the girl Majmuna who died on Thursday, 21st March 1174
Up to two hundred years after Count Roger the Norman conquered the island, differences in the customs and usages of the inhabitants of Malta were distinct from those in other parts of the Kingdom of Two Sicilies: moribus d’aliis de vivunt d’ipsarum d’insularum de homines et constitutionibus, nostri Sicilie.
The marble gravestone of a Saracen girl named Majmuna (pr. My-moona), found in a pagan temple in the Xewkija area of Gozo dates back to 1173. Written in Kufic, it concludes saying, “You who read this, see that dust covers my eyelids, in my place and in my house, nothing but sadness and weeping; what will my resurrection be like?”
The population of Malta at that time amounted to no more than 1,119 households, of whom 836 were described as Saracens, inhabiting the island following the Norman invasion and before their ultimate expulsion.
Jewish presence
Main article: History of the Jews in Malta
A number of Jewish families resided in Malta almost consistently from approximately 1500 BCE to the 1492 Edict of Expulsion, and again from the time of the Knights of Malta through to the present. This is yet another source of Semitic influence in Maltese culture.
According to local legend, the earliest Jewish residents arrived in Malta some 3,500 years ago, when the seafaring tribes of Zebulon and Asher accompanied the ancient Phoenicians in their voyages across the Mediterranean. The earliest evidence of a Jewish presence on Malta is an inscription in the inner apse of the southern temple of gantija (3600-2500 BC) in Xagra, which says, in the Phoenician alphabet: “To the love of our Father Jahwe”. There is evidence of a Jewish community on Malta during the Roman period, in the form of carved menorahs the catacombs in Malta. Members of the Malta’s Jewish community are known to have risen to the highest ranks of the civil service during the period of Arab occupation, including the rank of Vizier. By 1240, according to a report prepared for Emperor Frederick II, there were 47 Christian and 25 Jewish families on Malta, and 200 Christian and 8 Jewish families on Gozo.
Unlike the Jewish experience in the rest of Europe, throughout the Middle Ages the Jews of Malta generally resided among the general population rather than in ghettos, frequently becoming landowners. The Jewish population of Malta had flourished throughout the period of Norman rule, such that one third of the population of Malta’s ancient capital, Mdina, is said to have been Jewish.
Alhambra Decree
In 1492, in response to the Alhambra Decree the Royal Council had argued – unsuccessfully – that the expulsion of the Jews would radically reduce the total population of the Maltese Islands, and that Malta should therefore be treated as a special case within the Spanish Empire. Nonetheless, the decree of expulsion was signed in Palermo on June 18, 1492, giving the Jewish population of Malta and Sicily three months to leave. Numerous forced conversions to Catholicism, or exile, followed. Evidence of these conversions can be found in many Maltese family names that still survive today, such as the families Abela, Ellul, Salamone, Mamo, Cohen, and Azzopardi.
A much smaller Jewish community developed under the rule of the Knights of Malta, but this consisted primarily of slaves and emancipated slaves. Under the rule of certain Grandmasters of the Order, the Jews were made to reside in Valletta’s prisons at night, while by day they remained free to transact business, trade and commerce among the general population.
Local place names around the island, such as Bir Meyru (Meyer’s Well), nien il-Lhud (The Jew’s Garden) and al-Muxi (Mosh’s Farm) attest to the endurance of Jewish presence in Malta.
Slaves in Malta
Semitic influences over Maltese customs and traditions continued during the 268-year rule of the Knights of St. John over Malta, due in part to trade between the Knights and North Africa, but primarily due to the large numbers of slaves present in Malta during the 17th and 18th centuries: upwards of 2,000 at any given time (or about 5 per cent of the population of Malta), of whom 40-45 per cent were Moors, and the remainder Turks, Africans and Jews. There were so many Jewish slaves in Malta during this time that Malta was frequently mentioned for its large enslaved Jewish population in Jewish literature of the period.
The slaves were engaged in various activities, including construction, shipbuilding and the transportation of Knights and nobles by sedan-chair. They were occasionally permitted to engage in their own trades for their own account, including hairdressing, shoe-making and woodcarving, which would have brought them into close contact with the Maltese urban population. Inquisitor Federico Borromeo (iuniore) reported in 1653 that:
[slaves] strolled along the street of Valletta under the pretext of selling merchandise, spreading among the women and simple-minded persons any kind of superstition, charms, love-remedies and other similar vanities.
A significant number of slaves converted to Christianity, were emancipated, or even adopted by their Maltese patrons which may have further exposed Maltese culture to their customs.
National calamities
Frequent national calamities – including loss of property, forced labour and enslavement – suffered by the Maltese from the 9th century through to the early 16th century due to piracy and raids of their islands, primarily at the hands of the Hafsids of North Africa and Turkish corsairs had a profound effect on Maltese culture. These incursions by Moslem Arabs and Turks naturally prompted the population to rely on the rest of Christian Europe for aid and relief, which contributed to the subsequent decline in the importance of the Semitic origins of Maltese culture and folklore and the ascendancy of Latin European influence on the island. The most recent, and arguably, most devastating of such incidents occurred in 1551, when the Saracens, led by Dragut Reis, raided Gozo, taking almost the entire population of that island, some 5,000 inhabitants, away into slavery, and in 1565, when the Ottoman Empire again, led by Dragut, invaded and besieged Malta. Although the Knights and the Maltese were ultimately victorious against the Ottoman forces, victory came at a high cost: one third of the population of Malta is said to have perished in battle.
These dramatic incidents remain etched in the collective memory of the Maltese, and are reflected in some Maltese superstitions, beliefs, sayings and proverbs including Maltese literature, with works such as Anton Manwel Caruana’s Ine Farru (1889) and the traditional ballad l-Gharusa tal-Mosta, detailing the kidnap of a Maltese maiden by Turkish pirates. The poem is popularly included in Malta’s gana repertoire.
Sources of Latin European influence
Roman municipium
From 218 BCE to 395 CE, Malta was under Roman political control, initially as a praetorship of Sicily. The islands were eventually elevated to the status of Roman municipium, with the power to control domestic affairs, mint their own money, and send ambassadors to Rome. It was during this period that St. Paul was shipwrecked on the Maltese Islands and introduced Christianity. Few archeological relics survive in Malta today from the Roman period, the sole exception being the Roman Domus, just outside the walls of Mdina. From a cultural perspective, the Roman period is notable for the arrival in Malta of several highly placed Roman families, whose progeny form part of the Maltese nation today. These include the Testaferrata family (originally, “Capo di Ferro”), today one of Malta’s premier noble families.
Whether the origins of Maltese culture can be found in the Eastern Mediterranean or North Africa, the impact on Malta of Punic culture is believed to have persisted long after the Island’s incorporation into the Roman Republic in 218 BCE:
…at least during the first few centuries of Roman rule, tradition, customs and language were still Punic despite romanization of the place. This is in agreement with what can be read in the Acts of the Apostles, which call the Maltese “barbarians”, that is using a language that was neither Greek nor Latin, but Punic.
With the division of the Roman Empire, in 395 CE, Malta was given to the eastern portion ruled from Constantinople and this new colonization introduced Greek families to the Maltese collective, bringing with them various superstitions, proverbs, and traditions that exist within Maltese culture today.
Catholicism
Main article: Religion in Malta
The 12th station on the Via Crucis of the Ta’ Pinu Basilica in Garb, Gozo
It is said that in Malta, Gozo, and Comino there are more than 360 churches, or one church for every 1,000 residents. The parish church (Maltese: “il-parroa”, or “il-knisja parrokjali”) is the architectural and geographic focal point of every Maltese town and village, and its main source of civic pride. This civic pride manifests itself in spectacular fashion during the local village festas, which mark the feast day of the patron saint of each parish with marching bands, religious processions, special Masses, fireworks (especially petards), and other festivities.
Making allowances for a possible break in the appointment of bishops to Malta during the period of the Fatimid conquest, the Maltese Church is referred to today as the only extant Apostolic See other than Rome itself. According to tradition and as recorded in the Acts of the Apostles, the Church in Malta was founded by St. Paul in 70 CE, following his shipwreck on these Islands. The earliest Christian place of worship in Malta is said to be the cavern on the north-east of Malta, now known as St. Paul’s Grotto, where the apostle was imprisoned during his stay on Malta. There is evidence of Christian burials and rituals having taken place in the general vicinity of the Grotto, dating back to the 3rd century CE.
Further evidence of Christian practices and beliefs during the period of Roman persecution can be found in the many catacombs that lie beneath various parts of Malta, including St Paul Catacombs and St Agatha Catacombs in Rabat, just outside the walls of Mdina. The latter, in particular, were beautifully frescoed between 1200 and 1480; they were defaced by marauding Turks in the 1550s. There are also a number of cave churches, including the grotto at Melliea, which is a Shrine of the Nativity of Our Lady where, according to legend, St. Luke painted a picture of the Madonna. It has been a place of pilgrimage since medieval times.
The writings of classic Maltese historian, Gian. Francesco Abela recount the conversion to Christianity of the Maltese population at the hand of St. Paul. It is suggested that Abela’s writings were used by Knights of Malta to demonstrate that Malta had been ordained by God as a “bulwark of Christian, European civilization against the spread of Mediterranean Islam.” The native Christian community that welcomed Roger I of Sicily was further bolstered by immigration to Malta from Italy, in the 12th and 13th centuries.
For centuries, leadership over the Church in Malta was generally provided by the Diocese of Palermo, except under Charles of Anjou who caused Maltese bishops to be appointed, as did – on rare occasions – the Spanish and later, the Knights. This continued Malta’s connections with Sicily and Italy, and contributed to, from the 15th century to the early 20th century, the dominance of Italian as Malta’s primary language of culture and learning. Since 1808 all bishops of Malta have been Maltese.
During the Norman and Spanish periods and under the rule of the Knights, Malta became the devout Catholic nation it is today. It is worth noting that the Maltese Inquisition (more properly called the Roman Inquisition) had a very long tenure in Malta following its establishment by the Pope in 1530; the last Inquisitor departed from the Islands in 1798, after the Knights capitulated to the forces of Napoleon Bonaparte.
The Normans
Under Roger II, King of Sicily, Christianity was restored as Malta’s principal faith
The later years of Norman rule over Malta brought massive waves of immigration to the Islands from Sicily and from the Italian mainland, including clergy and notaries. Sicilian became the sole written language of Malta, as evidenced by notarial deeds from this period, but this was eventually supplanted by Tuscan Italian, which became the primary literary language and the medium of legal and commercial transactions in Malta. A large number of Sicilian and Italian words were adopted into the local vernacular.
Traces of Siculo-Norman architecture can still be found in Malta’s ancient capital of Mdina and in Vittoriosa, most notably in the Palaces of the Santa Sofia, Gatto Murina, Inguanez and Falzon families.
Spain
The wooden balconies and wrought-iron railings of Valletta
Traces of the ascendancy of the Crown of Aragon in the Mediterranean, and Spanish governance over Malta from 1282 to 1530, are still evident in Maltese culture today. These include culinary, religious, and musical influences. Two examples are the enduring importance of the Spanish guitar (Maltese: il-kitarra Spanjola) in Maltese folk music, and the enclosed wooden balconies (Maltese: gallerija) that grace traditional Maltese homes today. It is also possible that the traditional Maltese costume, the Faldetta, is a local variation of the Spanish mantilla.
The Spanish period also saw the establishment of local nobility, with the creation of Malta’s oldest extant title, the Barony of Djar-il-Bniet e Buqana, and numerous others. Under Spanish rule Malta developed into a feudal state. From time to time during this period, the Islands were nominally ruled by various Counts of Malta, who were typically illegitimate sons of the reigning Aragonese monarch; however, the day-to-day administration of the country was essentially in the hands of the local nobility, through their governing council known as the Universit.
Some of Malta’s premier noble families including the Inguanez family, settled in Malta from Spain and Sicily during this time. Other Maltese families of Spanish origin include: Calleja, Alagona, Aragona, Abela, Flores, Guzman and Xerri.
The period of Spanish rule over Malta lasted roughly as long as the period of Arab rule; however, this appears to have had little impact on the language spoken in rural Malta, which remained heavily influenced by Arabic, with Semitic morphemes. This is evident in Pietro Caxaro’s Il-Cantilena, the oldest known literary text in Maltese, which was written prior to 1485, at the height of the Spanish period.
The Knights of St. John
The population of Malta increased considerably during the rule of the Knights, from 25,000 in 1535 to over 40,000 in 1621, to over 54,463 in 1632. This was primarily due to immigration from Western Europe, but also due to generally improved health and welfare conditions, and the reduced incidence of raids from North African and Turkish corsairs. By 1798, when the Knights surrendered Malta to the forces of Napoleon Bonaparte, the population of Malta had increased to 114,000.
The period of the Knights is often referred to as Malta’s Golden Age, as a result of the architectural and artistic embellishment of the Islands by their resident rulers, and as a result of advances in the overall health, education and prosperity of the local population during this period. Music, literature, theatre and the visual arts all flourished in Malta during this period, which also saw the foundation and development of many of the Renaissance and Baroque towns and villages, palaces and gardens of Malta, the most notable of which is the capital city, Valletta.
The city of Valletta, one of several built and fortified by the Knights of Malta
Contact between the Maltese and the many Sicilian and Italian mariners and traders who called at Valletta’s busy Grand Harbour expanded under Knights, while at the same time, a significant number of Western European nobles, clerics and civil servants relocated to Malta during this period. The wealth and influence of Malta’s noble families – many of whom trace their ancestry back to the Norman and Spanish monarchs who ruled Malta prior to the Knights – was also greatly enhanced during this period.
Maltese education, in particular, took a significant leap forward under the Knights, with the foundation, in 1530, of the Collegium Melitens, precursor to today’s University of Malta, through the intercession of Pope Clement VIII. As a result, the University of Malta is one of the oldest extant universities in Europe, and the oldest Commonwealth university outside of the United Kingdom. The School of Anatomy and Surgery was established by Grand Master Fra Nicolas Cotoner at the Sacra Infermeria in Valletta, in 1676. The Sacra Infermeria itself was known as one of the finest and most advanced hospitals in Europe.
Sicily and the Italian mainland
Located just 60 miles to the north, Sicily has provided Malta with a virtually continuous exchange of knowledge, ideas, customs and beliefs throughout history. Many modern Maltese families trace their origins to various parts of Sicily and Southern Italy. The geographic proximity has facilitated a considerable amount of intermarriage, cross-migration, and trade between the two groups of islands. It is likely that this was just as true during the period of Arab domination over Sicily as it has been since the Norman conquest of Sicily in 1060 CE. Accordingly, it is difficult to determine whether some of the Semitic influences on Maltese culture were originally imported to Malta from North Africa, or from Sicily.
The Sicilian influence on Maltese culture is extensive, and is especially evident in the local cuisine, with its emphasis on olive oil, pasta, seafood, fresh fruits and vegetables (especially the tomato), traditional appetizers such as caponata (Maltese: “kapunata”) and rice balls (arancini), speciality dishes such as rice timbale (Maltese: “ross fil-forn”), and sweets such as the cassata and cannoli.
Sicilian influence is also evident in many of the local superstitions, in simple children’s nursery rhymes, and in the devotion to certain saints, especially St. Agatha. Centuries of dependence on the Diocese of Palermo brought many Sicilian religious traditions to Malta, including the Christmas crib (Maltese: “il-presepju”), the ritual visiting of several Altars of Repose on Good Friday (Maltese: “is-sepulkri”), and the graphic, grim realism of traditional Maltese religious images and sculpture.
Ironically, despite Malta’s rapid transformation into a strategic naval base during the British period, the influence of Italian culture on Malta strengthened considerably throughout the 19th century. This was due in part to increasing levels of literacy among the Maltese, the increased availability of Italian newspapers, and an influx of Italian intelligentsia to Malta. Several leaders of the Italian risorgimento movement were exiled in Malta by the Bourbon monarchs during this period, including Francesco Crispi, and Ruggiero Settimo. Malta was also the proposed destination of Giuseppe Garibaldi when he was ordered into exile; however, this never came to pass. The political writings of Garibaldi and his colleague, Giuseppe Mazzini – who believed that Malta was, at heart, part of the emerging Italian nation – resonated among many of Malta’s upper- and middle-classes.
France
French rule over Malta, although brief, left a deep and lasting impression on Maltese culture and society. Several of the Grand Masters of the Knights of Malta had been French, and though some French customs and expressions had crept into common usage in Malta as a result (such as the expressions “bonu” for “good day”, and “bonswa” for “good evening”, still in use today), Napoleon’s garrison had a much deeper impact on Maltese culture. Within six days following the capitulation by Grand Master Hompesch on board l’Orient, Bonaparte had given Malta a Constitution and introduced the Republican concept of Libert, Egalite, Fraternit to Malta. Slavery was abolished, and the scions of Maltese nobility were ordered to burn their patents and other written evidence of their pedigrees before the arbre de la libert that had been hastily erected in St. George’s Square, at the centre of Valletta. A secondary school system was established, the university system was revised extensively, and a new Civil Code of law was introduced to the legal system of Malta.
Under the rule of General Vaubois civil marriages were introduced to Malta, and all non-Maltese clergymen and women were ordered to leave the Islands. A wholesale plundering of the gold, silver and precious art of Maltese churches followed, and several monasteries were forcibly taken from the religious orders. The Maltese were scandalized by the desecration of their churches. A popular uprising culminated with the “defenestration” of Citizen Masson, commandant of the French garrison, and the summary execution of a handful of Maltese patriots, led by Dun Mikiel Xerri. With the French blockaded behind the walls of Valletta, a National Assembly of Maltese was formed. Petitions were sent out to the King of the Two Sicilies, and to Lord Nelson, soliciting their aid and support. The French garrison capitulated to Nelson in Grand Harbour, on September 5, 1800.
British Malta
British rule, from 1800 to 1964, radically and permanently transformed the language, culture and politics of Malta. Malta’s position in the British Empire was unique in that it did not come about by conquest or by colonization, but at the voluntary request of the Maltese people. Britain found in Malta an ancient, Christian culture, strongly influenced by neighbouring Italy and Sicily, and loyal to the Roman Catholic Church. Malta’s primary utility to Great Britain was its excellent natural harbours, and its strategic location, and for many decades, Malta was essentially a “fortress colony”.
Malta was an important link in Britain’s naval routes across the Mediterranean
Throughout the 19th century, Malta benefited from increased defence spending by Britain, particularly from the development of the dockyards and the harbour facilities. The Crimean War and the opening of the Suez Canal further enhanced Malta’s importance as a supply station and as a naval base. Prosperity brought with it a dramatic rise in the population, from 114,000 in 1842, to 124,000 in 1851, 140,000 in 1870, and double that amount by 1914. Malta became increasingly urbanized, with the majority of the population inhabiting the Valletta and the Three Cities. Malta’s fortunes waned during times of peace in the early 20th century, and again after World War II, leading to massive waves of emigration.
Although Malta remained heavily dependent on British military spending, successive British governors brought advances in medicine, education, industry and agriculture to Malta. The British legacy in Malta is evident in the widespread use of the English language in Malta today. English was adopted as one of Malta’s two national languages in 1936, and it has now firmly replaced Italian as the primary language of tertiary education, business, and commerce in Malta.
Parish Church of Sta. Marija Assunta (Mosta Dome)
The British period introduced the Neoclassical style of architecture to Malta, evident in several palaces built during this period, in the Greek revival portico of the parish church of Sta. Marija Assunta in Mosta, and in the soaring spire of St Paul’s Anglican Cathedral which, alongside the massive Baroque dome of a nearby Catholic church, dominates the Valletta skyline.
Neogothic architecture in Mdina
Neogothic architecture was also introduced to Malta during this period, in the Chapel of Santa Maria Addolorata at Malta’s main cemetery, and in the Carmelite Church in Sliema. Sliema itself, which developed from a sleepy fishing village into a bustling, cosmopolitan town during the British period, once boasted an elegant seafront that was famed for its Regency style architecture, that was strongly reminiscent of the British seaside town of Brighton.
Impact of World War II
Perhaps as an indirect result of the brutal devastation suffered by the Maltese at the hands of Benito Mussolini’s Regia Aeronautica and the Luftwaffe during World War II, the United Kingdom has replaced neighboring Italy and Sicily as the dominant source of cultural influences on modern Malta. The George Cross was awarded to the people of Malta by King George VI of the United Kingdom in a letter dated 15 April 1942 to the island’s Governor Lieutenant-General Sir William Dobbie, so as to “bear witness to the heroism and devotion of its people” during the great siege it underwent in the early parts of World War II. The George Cross is woven into the Flag of Malta and can be seen wherever the flag is flown.
The “culture clash” between pro-British and pro-Italian elements in Malta reached its apex in February 1942, when British Governor Lieutenant-General Sir William Dobbie ordered the deportation of 47 notable Maltese, including Enrico Mizzi, leader of the Nationalist Party, and Sir Arturo Mercieca, Chief Justice of Malta, who were suspected by the Colonial authorities of being sympathetic to the fascist cause. Their exile in Uganda, which lasted until March 8, 1945, was and remains a source of controversy among the Maltese.
British traditions in modern Malta
British traditions that live on in Malta include an efficient civil service, a military that is based on the British model, a Westminster-style parliamentary structure, a governmental structure premised on the rule of law, and a legal system based on common law. Another British legacy in Malta is the widely popular annual Christmas pantomime at the Manoel Theatre. Most Maltese families have adopted turkey and plum pudding as Christmas treats in place of the more traditional Maltese rooster and cassata.
Due to Malta forming a part of the British Empire in the |19th and 20th centuries, and a considerable amount of intermarriage having taken place during that time period, the existence of British or Irish surnames is increasingly common. Examples include: Alden, Atkins, Crockford, Ferry, Gingell, Hall, Hamilton, Harmsworth, Harwood, Jones, Mattocks, Moore, O’Neill, Sladden, Sixsmith, Smith, Strickland, Turner, Wallbank, Warrington and Woods.
Contemporary culture of Malta
Maltese Diaspora
Malta has always been a maritime nation, and for centuries, there has been extensive interaction between Maltese sailors and fishermen and their counterparts around the Mediterranean and into the Atlantic Ocean. More significantly, by the mid-19th century the Maltese already had a long history of migration to various places, including Egypt, Tripolitania, Tunisia, Algeria, Cyprus, the Ionian Islands, Greece, Sicily and Lampedusa. Intermarriage with other nationals (especially Italians and Sicilians) was not uncommon. Migrants would periodically return to Malta, bringing with them new customs and traditions that over time have been absorbed into mainstream Maltese culture.
The extensive impact of migration on Malta is illustrated by the following statistics: in 1842, the total number of Maltese emigrants was estimated at around 20,000, or 15 percent of the population of Malta. These numbers increased steadily throughout the 1800s. The Maltese were distributed as follows:
NUMBER OF MALTESE EMIGRANTS IN N. AFRICA
Country
Year – 1842
Year – 1865
Year – 1880s
Algeria (Algiers, Philipville and Bne)
5,000
10,000
15,000
Tunisia (Tunis)
3,000
7,000
11,000
Egypt
2,000
5,000
7,000
However, these early migration patterns were unstable, and repatriation occurred frequently. For example, many Maltese emigrants rushed back to their homeland due to an outbreak of plague in Egypt in 1835, and again in 1840 during the Anglo-Egyptian crisis (see: London Straits Convention). According to Pullicino:
in spite of a certain amount of isolation there must have been a measure of adaptation by Maltese emigrants to local customs, food and dress. Besides, the frequent comings and goings of the Maltese in the 19th century must have facilitated the assimilation of at least some folklore material from North Africa that still needs to be identified.
There was heavy migration from Malta in the early 20th century, and again after World War II until the early 1980s; however the destinations of choice during this period tended to be more distant, English-speaking countries rather than the traditional, Mediterranean littoral. Over 10,000 Maltese settled in Australia, Canada, the United Kingdom and the United States between 1918 and 1920, followed by another 90,000 – or 30 percent of the population of Malta – between 1948 and 1967. By 1996, the net emigration from Malta during the 20th century exceeded 120,000,or 33.5% of the population of Malta.
In 1995, a section of Toronto’s Junction neighbourhood was given the name “Malta Village” in recognition of the strong Maltese community that remains to this day. It is believed to be the largest Maltese community in North America.
SUMMARY OF MALTESE MIGRATION PATTERNS (19461996)
Country
To
From
Net migration
Return %
Australia
86,787
17,847
68,940
21.56
Canada
19,792
4,798
14,997
24.24
UK
31,489
12,659
18,830
40.20
U.S.A.
11,601
2,580
9,021
22.24
Other
1,647
907
740
55.07
Total
155,060
39,087
115,973
25.21
Familiarity with the English language assisted Maltese migrants to assimilate in their adopted countries, and the incidence of intermarriage with foreigners is reputedly higher among Maltese emigrants than other ethnic communities. Extensive interaction between Maltese emigrants in Australia, Canada, the United Kingdom and the United States, and their relatives in Malta, has brought Maltese culture closer to the English speaking world. Many Maltese emigrants and second generation Maltese-Australians, Maltese-Americans and Maltese-Canadians returned to their homeland in the 1990s, and recent years have seen an increase in the number of foreign expatriates moving to Malta, especially British retirees. This has created an increasingly cosmopolitan environment in the towns and villages of Malta.
In the years preceding Tunisia’s declaration of independence in 1956, most of the Maltese community left the country to settle in Marseilles, France, which retains the biggest Maltese community in France.
Education
Education is compulsory between the ages of 5 and 16 years. While the state provides education free of charge, the Church and the private sector run a number of schools in Malta and Gozo. Most of the teachers’ salary in Church schools is paid by the state. Education in Malta is based on the British Model.
Religion
Main article: Religion in Malta
Today, the Constitution of Malta provides for freedom of religion but establishes Roman Catholicism as the state religion. Freedom House and the World Factbook report that 98 percent of the Maltese profess Roman Catholicism as their religion, making Malta one of the most Catholic countries in the world. However, the Sunday Mass Attendance Census 2005 commissioned by the Church of Malta reports that, as of 2005, only 52.6% of the population attended religious services on a regular basis.
Languages
Main article: Maltese language
The national language of Malta is Maltese, the only official Semitic language within the European Union. The Maltese alphabet is based on the Latin alphabet, but uses the diacritically altered letters , also found in Polish, as well as the letters , and , which are unique to Maltese. The official languages are English and Maltese. Italian, French and German are also widely spoken and taught in secondary schools, though the latter two less so.
Telecommunications
Main article: Communications in Malta
Radio shows, television programs and the easy availability of foreign newspapers and magazines throughout the 20th century further extended and enhanced the impact of both British and Italian culture on Malta. Globalization and increased Internet usage (approx. 78.1% of the population of Malta as of September 2005) is having a significant effect on Maltese culture; as of December 22, 2006, Malta had the fourth highest rate of Internet usage in the world.
LGBT
Main article: LGBT rights in Malta
Although there is no official recognition of to gay marriage or civil unions, Malta nevertheless has a ban on anti-gay discrimination in employment, and the age of consent is equal for all at 18. There are quite a few gay clubs on the island, including ‘Tom’s Bar’ in Floriana, which is the oldest gay club in Malta, and ‘Klozett’ in Paceville. The Malta Gay Rights Movement (MGRM), founded in 2001, is a socio-political non-governmental organisation which has as its central focus the challenges and rights of the Maltese lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) community.
Nightlife in Malta
The long, warm summer nights of Malta lend themselves to a vibrant nightlife, which is at odds with Malta’s traditional conservatism and the staunch Catholicism of older generations. Clubbing and pub-crawling – especially in the traffic-free zones of Paceville near St. Julian’s, and Buibba – is a rite of passage for Maltese teenagers, young adults and crowds of tourists. Evenings start late and many clubbers continue the festivities into the early hours of the morning. Clubs frequently have large outdoor patios, with local and visiting DJs spinning a mix of Euro-beat, House, chill-out, R&B, hardcore, rock, trance, techno, retro, old school, and classic disco. Pubs, especially Irish pubs, are often the meeting place of choice for the start of a night of clubbing.
Laid back wine bars are increasingly popular among young professionals and the more discriminating tourists, and are popping up in the kantinas of some of the more picturesque, historic cities and towns, including Valletta and Vittoriosa. They typically offer a mix of local and foreign wines, traditional Maltese appetizer platters, and occasionally, live entertainment.
Despite rapidly increasing tolerance and acceptance of alternative lifestyles, Malta offers its gay and lesbian locals and visitors less nightlife options than other Southern European destinations. With the exception of several staple bars (including Tom’s, Valletta and Klozett, Paceville), gay bars in Malta have a tendency to pop up, relocate, and disappear from one summer season to the next. However, the local gay population is usually very much in evidence – and welcome – at the mainstream clubs of Paceville and elsewhere.
Transportation
Main articles: Transport in Malta and Malta bus
Car ownership in Malta is the fourth highest in Europe, given the small size of the islands. Like in the UK, traffic drives on the left.
The old Maltese buses, formerly ex-British Armed forces vehicles, are Malta’s main domestic mode of transportation. There has also been a railway in the past between Valletta and the Mtarfa army barracks.
A regular ferry system connects the two main Maltese islands, via the harbours of irkewwa and Marsamxett in Malta, and Marr in Gozo. There are also regular ferry services between the Grand Harbour and neighbouring Sicily. A busy cruise liner terminal has been developed on the Valletta side of Grand Harbour; however, Malta’s primary connection to the outside world is its airport at Luqa.
Literature
Main article: Maltese literature
The emergence of Maltese literature
The oldest extant literary text in the Maltese language is Pietru Caxaro’s poem, Cantilena (circa 1470 to 1485) (also known as Xidew il-Qada), followed by Gian Francesco Bonamico’s sonnet of praise to Grand Master Nicol Cotoner, Mejju gie’ bl’Uard, u Zahar (The month of May has arrived, with roses and orange blossoms), circa 1672. The earliest known Maltese dictionary was written by Francois de Vion Thezan Court (circa 1640). In 1700, an anonymous Gozitan poet wrote Jaasra Mingajr tija (Unfortunately Innocent). A Maltese translation of the Lord’s Prayer appeared in Johannes Heinrich Maius’s work Specimen Lingua Punic in hodierna Melitensium superstitis (1718). A collection of religious sermons by a certain Dun Ignazio Saverio Mifsud, published between 1739 and 1746, is now regarded as the earliest known Maltese prose. An anonymous poem entitled Fuqek Nitaddet Malta (I am talking about you, Malta), was written circa 1749, regarding the uprising of the slaves of that year. A few years later, in 1752, a catechism entitled Taglim Nisrani ta’ Dun Franisk Wizzino (Don Francesco Wizzino’s Christian Teachings) was published in both Maltese and Italian. The occasion of Carnival in 1760 saw the publication of a collection of burlesque verses under the heading wie la Maltija (Marriage, in the Maltese Style), by Dun Feli Demarco.
A child of the Romanticism movement, Maltese patriot Mikiel Anton Vassalli (17641829) hailed the emergence of literary Maltese as “one of the ancient patrimonies…of the new emerging nation,” seeing this nascent trend as: (1) the affirmation of the singular and collective identity, and (2) the cultivation and diffusion of the national speech medium as the most sacred component in the definition of the patria and as the most effective justification both for a dominated community’s claiming to be a nation and for the subsequent struggle against foreign rulers.
Between 1798 and 1800, while Malta was under the rule of Napoleonic France, a Maltese translation of L-Ganja tat-Trijonf tal-Libert (Ode to the Triumph of Liberty), by Citizen La Coretterie, Secretary to the French Government Commissioner, was published on the occasion of Bastille Day.
The first translation into Maltese of a biblical text, the Gospel of St. John. was published in 1822 (trans. ueppi Marija Cannolo), on the initiative of the Bible Society in Malta. The first Maltese language newspaper, l-Arlekkin jew Kawlata Inglia u Maltija (The Harlequin, or a mix of English and Maltese) appeared in 1839, and featured the poems l-Imabba u Fantasija (Love and Fantasy) and Sunett (A Sonnett).
The first epic poem in Maltese, Il-ifen Tork (The Turkish Caravel), by Giovanni Antonio Vassallo, was published in 1842, followed by rejjef bil-Malti (Legends in Maltese) and rejjef u ajt bil-Malti (Legends and Jokes in Maltese) in 1861 and 1863, respectively. The same author published the first history book in the Maltese language, entitled Storja ta Malta Miktuba gall-Poplu (The People’s History of Malta), in 1862.
1863 saw the publication of the first novel in Maltese, Elvira jew Imabba ta Tirann (Elvira, or the Love of a Tyrant), by the Neapolitan author, Giuseppe Folliero de Luna. Anton Manwel Caruana’s novel, Ine Farru (1889), was modelled on traditional Italian historical novels, such as Manzoni’s I promessi sposi.
Diglossia
The development of native, Maltese literary works has historically been disrupted by diglossia. For many centuries, Maltese was considered “the language of the kitchen and the workshop”, while Italian was the language of literature, law and commerce. Until the early 20th century, the vast majority of literary works by the Maltese were written in Italian, although examples of written Maltese from as far back as the 16th century exist. In early Maltese history, diglossia manifested itself in the co-existence of an ancient Phoenician language and the language of a series of rulers, most notably, Latin, Greek, Arabic, Sicilian, French, Spanish and Italian, and from 1800 onwards, English. The Maltese language today is heavily overlaid with Romance and English influences as a result.
According to Prof. Oliver Friggieri:
Maltese writers developed an uninterrupted local “Italian” literary movement which went on up to about four decades ago, whereas Maltese as a literary idiom started to coexist on a wide scale in the last decades of the 19th century. Whilst Maltese has the historical priority on the level of the spoken language, Italian has the priority of being the almost exclusive written medium, for the socio-cultural affairs, for the longest period. The native tongue had only to wait for the arrival of a new mentality which could integrate an unwritten, popular tradition with a written, academically respectable one.
Notable Maltese writers
Ruar Briffa
Anton Buttigieg
Ray Buttigieg
Pietru Caxaro
Ninu Cremona
Francis Ebejer
[Joe Friggieri]
Martin Gauci
Henry Frendo
Oliver Friggieri
Alfons Maria Galea
uz Galea
Herbert Ganado
Emilio Lombardi
Gioacchino Navarro
or Pisani
Dun Karm Psaila
u Cassar Pullicino
Frans Said
Alfred Grech
Frans Sammut
Mikiel Anton Vassalli
Trevor ahra
Guze’ Cardona
Joseph Grima
Notable writers of Maltese descent
Trezza Azzopardi
Performing arts
Theatre
The theatres currently in use for live performances in Malta and Gozo range from historic purpose-built structures to modern constructions, to retrofit structures behind historic facades. They host local and foreign artistes, with a calendar of events that includes modern and period drama in both national languages, musicals, opera, operetta, dance, concerts and poetry recitals. The more notable theatrical venues include:
St. James Cavalier Centre for Creativity, Valletta: Built as a raised gun platform at the entrance to the walled city c. 1565, retrofitted and inaugurated as a cultural centre on September 22, 2000
Republic Hall, Valletta: Built as the Sacra Infermeria, the main hospital of the Knights of Malta in 1574, retrofitted and inaugurated as part of the multipurpose Mediterranean Conference Centre on February 11, 1979
MITP (Mediterranean Institute Theatre Programme), Valletta: Housed in the Collegium Melitens, c. 1592
Manoel Theatre, Valletta: Malta’s National Theatre, inaugurated January 9, 1732
Salesian Theatre, Sliema: Originally known as Juventutis Domus, inaugurated in 1908
Astra Theatre, Victoria, Gozo: inaugurated January 20, 1968
Aurora Opera House, Victoria, Gozo: inaugurated 1976
Visual Arts
The Neolithic temple builders 3800-2500 BCE endowed the numerous temples of Malta and Gozo with intricate bas relief designs, including spirals evocative of the tree of life and animal portraits, designs painted in red ochre, ceramics, and a vast collection of human form sculptures, particularly the Venus of Malta. These can be viewed at the temples themselves (most notably, the Hypogeum and Tarxien Temples), and at the National Museum of Archaeology in Valletta.
The Roman period introduced highly decorative mosaic floors, marble colonnades and classical statuary, remnants of which are beautifully preserved and presented in the Roman Domus, a country villa just outside the walls of Mdina. The early Christian frescoes that decorate the catacombs beneath Malta reveal a propensity for eastern, Byzantine tastes. These tastes continued to inform the endeavours of medieval Maltese artists, but they were increasingly influenced by the Romanesque and Southern Gothic movements. Towards the end of the 15th century, Maltese artists, like their counterparts in neighbouring Sicily, came under the influence of the School of Antonello da Messina, which introduced Renaissance ideals and concepts to the decorative arts in Malta.
The artistic heritage of Malta blossomed under the Knights of St. John, who brought Italian and Flemish Mannerist painters to decorate their palaces and the churches of these islands, most notably, Matteo Perez d’Aleccio, whose works appear in the Magisterial Palace and in the Conventual Church of St. John, and Filippo Paladini, who was active in Malta from 1590 to 1595. For many years, Mannerism continued to inform the tastes and ideals of local Maltese artists.
The arrival in Malta of Caravaggio, who painted at least seven works during his 15-month stay on these islands, further revolutionized local art. Two of Caravaggio’s most notable works, The Beheading of St. John the Baptist, and St. Jerome are on display in the Oratory of St. John’s Co-Cathedral, Valletta. His legacy is evident in the works of local artists Giulio Cassarino (15821637) and Stefano Erardi (16301716). However, the Baroque movement that followed was destined to have the most enduring impact on Maltese art and architecture. The severe, Mannerist interior of St. John’s Co-Cathedral was transformed into a Baroque masterpiece by the glorious vault paintings of the celebrated Calabrese artist, Mattia Preti. Preti spent the last 40 years of his life in Malta, where he created many of his finest works, now on display in the Museum of Fine Arts, in Valletta. During this period, local sculptor Melchior Gaf (16391667) emerged as one of the top Baroque sculptors of the Roman School.
Throughout the 18th century, Neapolitan and Rococo influences emerged in the works of Luca Giordano (16321705) and Francesco Solimena (16571747), and local artists Gio. Nicola Buhagiar (16981752) and Francesco Zahra (17101773). The Rococo movement was greatly enhanced by the relocation to Malta of Antoine de Favray (17061798), who assumed the position of court painter to Grand Master Pinto in 1744.
Neo-classicism made some inroads among local Maltese artists in the late 18th century, but this trend was reversed in the early 19th century, as the local Church authorities – perhaps in an effort to strengthen Catholic resolve against the perceived threat of Protestantism during the early days of British rule in Malta – favoured and avidly promoted the religious themes embraced by the Nazarene movement of artists. Romanticism, tempered by the naturalism introduced to Malta by Giuseppe Cal, informed the “salon” artists of the early 20th century, including Edward and Robert Caruana Dingli.
A National School of Art was established by Parliament in the 1920s, and during the reconstruction period that followed the Second World War, the local art scene was greatly enhanced by the emergence of the “Modern Art Group”, whose members included Josef Kalleya (18981998), George Preca (19091984), Anton Inglott (19151945), Emvin Cremona (19191986), Frank Portelli (b.1922), Antoine Camilleri (b.1922) and Esprit Barthet (b.1919).
Folklore and traditional crafts
Main article: Maltese folklore
Maltese folklore, traditions and legends still live in the minds of the older-generations, and these are slowly being studied and categorized, like any other European tradition. A number of national and international folklore festivals are undertaken on an annual basis, some of which are under the patronage of the National Folklore Commission and the Ministry for Culture and the Arts. Notably, every December the Malta International Folk Festival is staged in Valletta, with delegates from countries around the World.
Lace making
Traditional Maltese lace (Maltese: bizilla) is bobbin lace of the filet-guipure variety. It is formed on a lace pillow stuffed with straw, and frequently features the eight-pointed Maltese cross, but not necessarily. Genoese-style leafwork is an essential component of the traditional designs. Nowadays, Malta lace is usually worked on ivory-coloured linen, although historically it was also worked on black or white silk. It is typically used to make tablecloths, placemats and serviettes, and is periodically featured in couture, and in traditional Maltese costume.
Lace making has been prevalent in Malta since the 16th century, and was probably introduced to the Islands at roughly the same time as in Genoa. Lace was included with other articles in a bando or proclamation enacted by Grand Master Ramon Perellos y Roccaful in 1697, aimed at repressing the wearing of gold, silver, jewellery, gold cloth, silks and other materials of value.
There was a resurgence of lace-making in Malta around 1833, which has been attributed to a certain Lady Hamilton-Chichester. Queen Victoria is said to be particularly fond of wearing Malta lace. In 1839, Thomas McGill noted in A Handbook, or Guide, for Strangers visiting Malta, that:
“the females of the island make also excellent lace; the lace mitts and gloves wrought by the Malta girls are bought by all ladies coming to the island; orders from England are often sent for them on account of their beauty and cheapness.”
Malta lace was featured in The Great Exhibition held in London in 1881. Lacemaking is currently taught in Government trade schools for girls, and in special classes organized by the Society of Arts, Manufactures and Commerce. Lacemaking is essentially a cottage industry throughout Malta and Gozo.
Filigree
Filigree work (Maltese: filugranu) in gold and silver flourished in Malta under the rule of the Knights. This included gold and silver ornamental flower garlands (Maltese: ganutilja) and embroidery (Maltese: rakkmu). Filigree items that are ubiquitous in Maltese jewellery stores and crafts centres include brooches, pendants, earrings, flowers, fans, butterflies, jewelboxes, miniature dgajsas (fishing boats) and karrozzini (horse-drawn cabs), the Maltese Cross and dolphins.
Sport
Throughout the 1990s, organized sports in Malta experienced a renaissance through the creation of a number of athletic facilities, including National Stadium and a basketball pavilion in Ta’ Qali, an Athletic Stadium and Tartan Track for athletics, archery, rugby, baseball, softball and netball at Marsa, the National Swimming Pool Complex on University of Malta grounds at Tal-Qroqq, an enclosed swimming pool complex at Marsascala, a mechanized shooting range at Bidnija, and regional sports complexes on Gozo, and in Cottonera and Karwija.
In 1993 and again in 2003, Malta hosted the Games of the Small States of Europe. Since 1968, Malta has also hosted the annual Rolex Middle Sea Race, organized by the Royal Malta Yacht Club. The race consists of a 607 mile route that starts and finishes in Malta, via the Straits of Messina and the islands of Pantelleria and Lampedusa.
Football
Main article: Football in Malta
Malta’s “national” sport is football. Many Maltese avidly follow English and Italian matches. Malta also has its own national team; however, every four years the World Cup typically sees Maltese loyalties divided between the teams of England and Italy, and a victory by either of these two teams inevitably leads to spontaneous, and very boisterous street parties and carcades all over the Maltese Islands.
Boi
Another common sport in Malta is a local variety of the game of bocce or boules (Maltese: boi). In Malta, the game is played on a smooth surface covered with coarse-grained sand, with teams of three players. Boi clubs are common throughout Malta, but also among the Maltese emigrant communities in Australia, Canada and the United States.
Waterpolo
Passion for waterpolo runs high in Malta and Gozo throughout the summer months. Prowess in this particular sport was the impetus for the foundation, in 1925, of a local Amateur Swimming Association, and Malta’s first participation in the Olympic Games, at the IXth Olympiad in Amsterdam, 1928.
Horse racing
Horse racing has a long tradition in Malta. The popular, bareback horse races that take place annually on Saqqajja Hill, in Rabat on June 29 date back to the 15th century. These races form part of the traditional celebrations of the Feast of Saints Peter and Paul (il-Festa tal-Imnarja), and were greatly encouraged by the Knights of Malta, especially during the reign of Grand Masters de Verdalle and de Lascaris-Castellar. The Knights took these races very seriously: Bonelli records a proclamation issued by the Grand Masters of the era, which threatened anyone caught interfering with or obstructing a racing horse with forced labour on board the galleys of the Knights. The tradition was revived and strengthened after the First World War under British Governor, Lord Plumer. The racecourse at Marsa, which was founded in 1868, boasted one of the longest tracks in Europe, at one and three quarter miles. The first Marsa races were held on April 12 and 13, 1869.
See also
Architecture of Malta
Gana (folk music)
History of Malta
Freemasonry in Malta
Holidays in Malta
Maltese language
Maltese mythology
Maltese people
Maltese Italians
Music of Malta
Politics of Malta
References
^ Old Temples Study Foundation (OTSF)
^ Aberystwyth, The University of Wales
^ David Trump et al., Malta Before History (2004: Miranda Publishers)
^ Daniel Cilia, “Malta Before Common Era”, in The Megalithic Temples of Malta. Accessed January 28, 2007.
^ J. Cassar Pullicino, “Determining the Semitic Element in Maltese Folklore”, in Studies in Maltese Folklore, Malta University Press (1992), p. 68.
^ http://ngm.nationalgeographic.com/ngm/0410/feature2/online_extra.html
^ E. Magri, rejjef Missierijietna, Book III: Dawk li jagmlu l-id fid-Dinja, no. 29 (1903), p. 19
^ L. Cutajar, “X’Igidu l-Garab fuq Malta”, Il-Malti (1932), pp. 97-8.
^ G. Finotti, La Reggenza di Tunisi, Malta (1856), pp. 108-9.
^ copyright 2002 Institut du Monde Arabe, Paris.
^ Ibn ‘Abd al-Mun’im al-Himyar, ed. Isan ‘Abbs (Beirut, 1975), cited in J.M. Brincat, Malta 870-1054: Al-Himyar’s Account and its Linguistic Implications, Malta, 2d. rev. ed. (1995)
^ a b http://www.xewkija.gov.mt/places-of-interest/index.shtml Xewkija Local Council
^ E. Winklemann, Ex Act. Imperii Ined. seculi XIII et XIV, tom. I, pp. 713 et seq. (1880) Innsbruck; cited by J. Cassar Pullicino, in “Determining the Semitic Element in Maltese Folklore”, in Studies in Maltese Folklore, (1992) Malta University Press, p. 71.
^ a b Zarb, T. Folklore of An Island, PEG Ltd, 1998
^ http://www.heritagemalta.org/hagarqim.html Heritage Malta
^ Godfrey Wettinger
^ a b Tayar, Aline P’nina: “The Jews of Malta”. Accessed January 5, 2007.
^ E. Ochs and B. Nantet, “Il y a aussi des juifs Malte”
^ Hecht, Esther: The Jewish Traveler: Malta in Hadassah Magazine. December 2005. Accessed December 28, 2006.
^ A. Bonnici, “Superstitions in Malta towards the middle of the Seventeenth Century in the Light of the Inquisition Trials,” in Melita Historica, Vol. 4, No. 3, 1966, pp. 156-7.
^ G. Wettinger, cited by J. Cassar Pullicino, in “Determining the Semitic Element in Maltese Folklore”, in Studies in Maltese Folklore, (1992) Malta University Press, pp. 71 and 72.
^ See: Turgut Reis. The subsequent repopulation of Gozo, undertaken by the Knights of Malta between 1565 and 1580, had a lasting impact on the unique culture and history of the sister island.
^ l-Gharusa tal-Mosta; Fatt li gara f’Malta fi zmien it-Tork (trans.’The Maiden of Mosta, a story of what happened in Malta during the Turkish years’) AllMalta.com: The Home of Maltese Gana
^ Universit degli Studi di Roma, Missione archeologica italiana a Malta: Rapporto preliminare della campagna 1966, Rome (1967), p. 133.
^ http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=n1TmVvMwmo4C&pg=RA1-PA723&lpg=RA1-PA723&dq=greek+influence+in+malta&source=web&ots=f-XLZw6siG&sig=CVkAaf-Qa3KqVqA8CBJrpS6irQQ&hl=en&ei=nSyeSZbkAtW5twf9kp2SDQ&sa=X&oi=book_result&resnum=5&ct=result Crew, P. Mack The Cambridge Ancient History, Cambridge University
^ Agius, Albert, Qwiel, Idjomi, Laqmijiet Maltin (Dan il-ktieb jibor fih numru kbir ta qwiel u ta idjomi. L-awtur jagti wkoll tifsiriet kif bdew il-laqmijiet kollettivi tan-nies ta l-ibliet u l-irula taghna et)
^ G.F. Abela, Della Descrittione di Malta, (1647) Malta.
^ A. Luttrell, The Making of Christian Malta: From the Early Middle Ages to 1530, Aldershot, Hants.: Ashgate Varorium, 2002.
^ Castillo, Dennis Angelo. The Maltese Cross: A Strategic History of Malta. Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 0313323291. http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=i5ns5LNtoiUC&pg=PA25&lpg=PA25&dq=MALTA+sEMPRONIUS&source=web&ots=JHcfabryVa&sig=cXCtKu3apl5Y2y7OEhaMvt1CMM0&hl=en&sa=X&oi=book_result&resnum=1&ct=result#PPA25,M1.
^ http://www.hmml.org/centers/malta/class/Class2.htm Archive
^ Victor Paul Borg, “Architecure,” in A Rough Guide to Malta and Gozo (2001). Viewed online on February 10, 2007.
^ “BBC:On This Day”. April 15, 1942. http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/april/15/newsid_3530000/3530301.stm. Retrieved May 22, 2007.
^ “Merlins Over Malta – The Defenders Return”. http://www.merlinsovermalta.com/worldwar2/. Retrieved May 22, 2007.
^ , Family names
^ Source: Mgr. Philip Calleja, Statistics and History of Maltese Migration Movements, Study Session I of the Maltese Migrants’ Convention (Malta), 1969.
^ Mgr. Philip Calleja, Statistics and History of Maltese Migration Movements, Study Session I of the Maltese Migrants’ Convention (Malta), 1969.
^ J. Cassar Pullicino, “Determining the Semitic Element in Maltese Folklore”, in Studies in Maltese Folklore, Malta University Press (1992), pp. 73-4.
^ The Multicultural Canada Project
^ Source: The 1996 CIA World Factbook page on Malta
^ http://www.torontosun.com/News/Columnists/Strobel_Mike/2006/09/23/1883629.html
^ Source: Malta Migration Museum Committee
^ International Telecommunication Union
^ a b Prof. Oliver Friggieri, “Main Trends in the History of Maltese Literature”
^ Lawrence Attard Bezzina, “Maltese and Hebrew: Two Cases of Cultural Survival”
^ a b D. Cutajar, “An Overview of the Art of Malta”.
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Categories: Lending Club Tags: culture, Malta
Business Briefs
Business Briefs
To help local businesses get ahead in difficult times, the Aspen Chamber Resort Association is hosting the inaugural Aspen Business Expo from 12:30 to 6 p.m. on Tuesday at the Hotel Jerome.
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Categories: Lending Club Tags: briefs, Business